LEGA (BALEGA, BALEGGA, REGA, WALEGA, WAREGA) Democratic Republic of the Congo The 100,000 to 250,000 Lega inhabit the virgin forest of eastern DRC, between the great lakes and the Lualaba River, next to Luba people. The Lega do not possess a centralized political organization, and both men and women aspire to moral authority by gaining high rank in the Bwami association. They live in the autonomous villages collectively situated at the summit of a hill surrounded by a palisade. They practice a mixed economy involving agriculture, hunting and fishing. Division of labor is gender based and akin to the economic patterns of other tribes living in the forest environment: men hunt and clear new land and women cultivate manioc and other crops. The function of the Bwami is to regulate the social, religious, and political life of the Lega. It is conveying ethical principles and establishing social norms. Circumcision was an indispensable process that allowed entrance into the Bwami. It was accompanied by the teaching of proverbs and instruction in the handling of objects endowed with moral and practical significance. The Bwami was divided into several levels. To pass to the next level, a series of initiations, gifts, and payments were needed; and this meant that one had attained certain wisdom and acquired a personal moral sense. The great ceremonies organized for the accession to the highest level would require that entire villages be constructed to house the clan of the candidate and members of the other clans who often came from very far away to participate in the festivities. The objects are frequently moved around in various containers and grouped in large number for ceremonial displays; for this reason, there is no large Lega art. All Lega art is used within the context of the Bwami society. Originally Lega art was primarily wooden, but little by little, ivory came into use. Later many works were made of this material that allowed more complex and refined forms and a beautiful patina. The highest ranking members of the Bwami association commission, own, use and interpret all Lega sculpture. The genius of the Lega artist lies in his ability to produce a work that fulfills the requirements of the Bwami patron, fits perfectly within the canon, and yet is artistically unique. Various categories of objects are used in connection with the association’s activities, including anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines, masks, hats, and others. Each anthropomorphic figurine symbolically represents a named personage with particular moral qualities or defects that are expressed through dance and sung aphorisms in initiations to the highest grades of the association. Although quite primitive and coarse in style and execution, very expressive Lega sculpture convey the strong sense of balance, form and serenity. The Lega judge the quality of their sculpture on the basis of its effectiveness.
Seven idumu masks. Most of Lega masks are sculptures of a human face that are rarely worn over the face and never for purposes of true transformation. The Lega masks can be assigned different uses and meanings depending on the context of the performance. In Bwami ceremonies, masks are attached to different parts of the body, fixed to hat, piled in stacks, hung on fences, held in the hand, dragged on the ground, and occasionally worn on the forehead with the beard draping over the face of the wearer or arranged on a miniature palisade. Participants in most rites display their masks as a group in conjunction with particular dance movements and aphorisms, which vary depending on the context in which they are used. Lega masks differ from those used in many other African masquerades in that while women do not own them, both men and women handle and present them in very similar performances. Masks are among the initiation objects displayed on the grave before being passed to new owners. They are usually passed from an uncle to a nephew. Idumu masks are unusual because they belong to a group of people rather than one individual. During a major performance an idumu mask is hung on a fence among other smaller lukwakongo masks (these are owned by specific persons). 10" x 7" x 3"+ raffia 9" x 7" x 3" 10" x 7" x 2" + raffia 9" x 5" x 3" 8" x 7" x 3" + raffia
	11" x 7" x 3" + raffia	11" x 7" x 3"	10" x 7" x 2" + raffia
Initiation Figure. The 100,000 Lega live in the virgin forest of Eastern part of the country, near Lake Kivu. All Lega art is based upon the bwami association whose hierarchy is open to both men and women. Bwami association maintains ethical principles and establishes social norms. The political society has a hierarchy of ranks, each one distinguished from the others by art objects, including statuettes. The diverse, rigidly articulated arts of the Lega are related to the initiation rites. The great ceremonies organized for the accession to the highest level would require that entire villages be constructed to house the clan of the candidate and members of the other clans who often come from very far away to participate in the festivities. The objects are frequently moved around in various containers and grouped in large number for ceremonial display. This need for portability is the reason why there are no large Lega artifacts. Such statues usually belong to the elevated bwami rank. Material: wood Size: 17" x 6" x 4"	Lukingu mask. This is a small initiation object made of bone or ivory. It not intended to be worn on the face or the body. Lukungu is presented to the initiates as the final attainment of the Kindi initiations. It is brought out - oiled and placed in front of its owner or on the fence - sometimes forming a face with several other initiation objects. Material: bone Size: 4" x 3" x 1" bone	Kayamba mask. These masks with horns, known as Kayamba masks are used only in a few regions - thus they are rare masks. They usually belong to accomplished teachers. they are used by men and women in ceremonies with singing, drama, etc. Material: wood, rafia Size: 4" x 7" x 4" + raffia	Human Figure. Among the Bwami it was common to order a human figure from an artist. The client would specify the material to be used, and the pose - or the elements of the sculpture. Thus the artist would know whether to carve a male or a female figure using wood or bone with its head raised, arms by its sides, etc. The use of the figure was not necessarily revealed to the artist. During the dedication ceremony, the piece acquired its meaning and designation - known to its owners. Once the figure was sold - its meaning bacame unknown - as with this piece. Materia: wood, pigment Size:	attributed to Kaguru. Materials: wood, rope Size: 26" x 8" x 8"
LELE (BASHILELE, BASHILYEEL, BASTILELE, LEELE, SHILELE) Democratic Republic of the Congo The 20,000 to 30,000 Lele people occupy the western region of the Kuba kingdom. The men work in the forest, where they hunt in groups, locate medicinal plants, cut wood, sculpt, and communicate with the spirits. The women are in charge of the food crops and of fishing in the marshes; feeding the village is their responsibility. The sculptor hunts, extracts palm wine, and participates in daily assemblies. Heading the Lele is the nymi, a king with limited powers. The village is organized according to age groups, with the oldest man as chief. The elders have a monopoly over the traditional cults, created to ensure the fertility and prosperity of the village. Presently, the elders are still the depositories of healers, who used to be organized into the banging society and subject to initiation. This society included mature men as well as the parents of twins, who were considered to be mediators between the spirits and humans. The art of the Lele is not well known. It is similar to Kuba styles with the exception of its masks, which generally have a flattened shape. The most important forms of Lele art are carved drums, divination instruments, boxes, pipes, and palm wine cups. Also Lele carvers produce statuettes and face masks. The masks often have slit eyes. The functions of the masks are little known. Lele masks appeared in dances accompanying the burial rites of chiefs and in annual foundation/creation ceremonies. Although the art of the Lele borrows many elements from the Kuba and Dengese in particular, the hairdo and long braids of the statuettes distinguish them from any others. The Lele also use different prestige objects. The figures on these objects occasionally have a coiffure with two long plaits down the back.
Ceremonial mask. The 20,000 to 30,000 Lele people occupy the western region of the Kuba kingdom. Heading the Lele is a king with limited powers. The village is organized according to age groups, with the oldest man as chief. The elders have a monopoly over the traditional cults, created to ensure the fertility and prosperity of the village and success for hunters. The men work in forest, where they hunt, locate medicinal plants, cut wood, sculpt, and communicate with the spirits. The women are in charge of the food crops and of fishing in the marshes; feeding the village is their responsibility. In their language, and artistic traditions they are related to the Kuba people. The sculptor hunts, extracts palm wine, and participates in daily assemblies. The Art of the Lele is not well known. It is similar to Kuba styles with the exception of its masks, which generally have a flattened shape. Each artist has a lean-to in the part of the village belonging to his age group. Lele masks are thought to have appeared in dances accompanying the burial rites of chiefs and in annual foundation/creation ceremonies. Material: wood Size: 13" x 8" x 4"	*Palm-wine cup (nteka).* The 20,000 to 30,000 Lele people occupy the western region of the Kuba kingdom. The men hunt in groups, locate medicinal plants, cut wood, sculpt, and communicate with the spirits. The women are in charge of the food crops and of fishing in the marshes; feeding the village is their responsibility. The art of the Lele is not well known. In some respects, it is similar to Kuba. The most important forms of Lele art are carved drums, divination instruments, boxes, pipes, and palm wine cups. In earlier days, cups belonged to one age group and would pass from member to member, thus creating a bond between participants. In the more secret ceremonies, the cup had a ritual role and could only be seen by initiates. Always anthropomorphic, made of rot-proof wood, it is resistant to insects. Material: wood Size: 6" x 6" x 4"
LIGBI
Do ceremonial mask. Among non-Moslem groups in extensive areas of northern Côte d'Ivoire are known for an institution called Do or Lo, one of whose most striking public manifestations is colorful masquerade dancing. The performance of the maskers is accompanied by singing and dancing, expresses the joy. The Do masks, in style and design, recalls the kpelie masks of the Senufo, from which they are derived. Its regular features reflect the Ligbis’ ideal of feminine beauty. These masks are danced during the funerals of distinguished Moslem holy men, and their performances also mark critical moments during the Muslim calendar year, and at the end of Ramadan, the moth-long Islamic fast. The masqueraders are greatly admired for the grace of their dance movements, which they perform in pairs and in perfect unison. Material: wood Size: 17" x 7" x 3"	Do ceremonial mask. The Islamized communities who live as traders and artisans among non-Moslem groups in extensive areas of northern Côte d'Ivoire are known for an institution called Do or Lo, one of whose most striking public manifestations is colorful masquerade dancing. The performance of the maskers is accompanied by singing and dancing, expresses the joy. The classical Do mask, in style and design, recalls the kpeliyee masks of the Senufo, from which they are derived. These masks are among the most popular of those used by the Do society. They are danced during the funerals of distinguished Moslem holy men, and their performances also mark the end of Ramadan. The masqueraders are greatly admired for the grace of their dance movements, which they perform in pairs and in perfect unison. Material: wood Size: 16" x 8" x 6"	Yangaleya hornbil mask. The yangaleya mask is generally in the form of a humanoid face with a long beak-like protrusion extending downwards from the forehead. In this mask human features are combined with the powerful bill of the hornbill bird. The masks of this type are also valued for the positive qualities ascribed to the hornbill, whose behavior and family life are considered exemplary by the Ligbi. They attach great importance to this bird, considering it one of mythical primeval animals, an attendant on the souls of the dead and a symbol of fertility. The Ligbi masqueraders are greatly admired for the grace of their dance movements, which they perform in pairs and in perfect unison. Material: wood Size: 11" x 7" x 6"	Mask of the Do society. *The Do masks, in style and design, recalls the kpelie* masks of the Senufo, from which they are derived. Its regular features reflect the Ligbis’ ideal of feminine beauty.** The cattle horns of this mask used by the Do society, as Rene Bravmann writes, indicate the importance of cattle as sacrificial animals among the Moslem Mande-speaking group. The clan leaders are responsible for holding sacrificial ceremonies at the end of Ramadan and on Aid al Kabir, the tenth day of the last month of the Islamic year. Material: wood Size: 16" x 8" x 3"	Do ceremonial mask. The Islamized communities who live as traders and artisans among non-Moslem groups in extensive areas of northern Côte d'Ivoire are known for an institution called Do or Lo, one of whose most striking public manifestations is colorful masquerade dancing. These masks are danced during the funerals of distinguished Moslem holy men, and their performances also mark critical moments during the Muslim calendar year, and at the end of Ramadan, the month-long Islamic fast. The masqueraders are greatly admired for the grace of their dance movements, which they perform in pairs and in perfect unison. The performance of the maskers is accompanied by drums, singing and dancing, it expresses the joy of the faithful that the period of fasting is over. Prayers and sacrifices alternate for a full week before the assembled village. Material: wood Size: 13" x 8" x 3"
LOBI Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana The Lobi people number 160,000 to 300,000. Avoiding contact with Europeans, for a long time they escaped ethnographic observation, and their sculpture was not completely discovered until 1950s. Very few Lobi have converted to either Christianity or Islam. Their land is well watered and sparsely forested, with enough seasonal rainfall to grow sorghum, millet and corn, and root crops such as yams. The men work the fields, but it is the women who sow and carry the ears of corn in large baskets on their head. They raise cattle and many kinds of poultry, primarily used for sacrifices and for payment of the bride price. During the wet season when they are not in the fields, the men work wood and iron, labor in the foundry, and build houses. The Lobi were not familiar with centralized authority but were organized in groups of patrilineal and matrilineal clans. They revere spirits known as *thil. These thil* communicate religious laws to the community through diviners, and these laws govern the community. Sculptors, who live off farming, devote only part of their time to sculpture; their period of apprenticeship may be reduced, so that the objects are of variable quality, often quite mediocre. The Lobi do not use masks, but create male and female spirit figures called bateba** and heads sculpted on top of a post planted in the ground. Bateba is considered as a living being and may see, communicate, and intervene on behalf of its thil spirit. Lobi figures are between 2” and 35” high. In every house a small shrine room is set apart for the worship of ancestral spirits. *Shrines are built to the thil* spirits under the instructions of a sorcerer and are filled with a variety of wooden statues together with assortment of clay sculptures, iron staffs, bottles, pots and the like. Frequent sacrifices are made at these shrines to ensure the goodwill of the ancestors, and to avoid Illness and misfortune. The figures, associated with the dead, are beings that are somewhere between spirits and people and may represent the dead, or ghost, or bush spirit. The figures preside over foundation rites, essential for obtaining protection for new homes. They were also used by soothsayers and by the leaders of the family cult.** Large heads depicted on a post or stake form a unique category of Lobi sculpture. Many examples are sculpted with great care and attention to detail, and, unlike the full-bodied figures, they often show a triple scarification at the temple. These sculpted heads were fixed into the ground at various shrines and in the open air. They are found with their spike set into the top of an external wall, where they served as guardians of the house. The Lobi also produce seats with three feet, sometimes decorated with a human or animal figure. Lobi arts also include a wide variety of small human and animal images, implements, and more abstract symbols in copper alloy and iron. Some of these are worn as jewelry and some appear on shrines.
*Spirit Figure (bateba).* The 300,000 Lobi are a farming people who live in southwestern Burkina Faso, northern Côte d'Ivoire and northwestern Ghana. They have no system of chiefs or other rulers whatsoever. The Lobi consult a diviner to discover the cause of a problem they cannot solve and the means by which to remedy it. The diviner is not told the client’s problem; rather, he must contact the thila (divinities) to identify the misfortune and to ascertain which thil caused it. The appropriate thil reveals the cause and prescribes the remedy. The remedy usually entails providing an altar in the client’s home for the thil on which a figure called bateba will be placed. Among the bateba are ti bala, or “extraordinary persons,” of which this female figure is an example. Ti bala manifest physiological characteristics that are not normally found in human beings: having more than one body on one pair of legs, having a head on a leg, or having only one arm, such as with this example. According to the Lobi these statues are living beings which can move, speak to each other and even die when their bodies have decayed too far. Material: wood Size: 30" x 14" x 2"	*Spirit Figure (bateba).* Avoiding contact with Europeans, for a long time the Lobi people escaped ethnographic observation, and their sculpture was not completely discovered until 1950s. In every Lobi house a small shrine room is set apart for the worship of ancestral spirits. Here are placed a variety of wooden statues together with assortment of clay sculptures, iron staffs, bottles, pots and the like. Frequent sacrifices are made at these shrines to ensure the goodwill of the ancestors, and to avoid illness and misfortune. The spirits are represented by figures like this one, called bateba. Its function may be to provide for the fertility of the owners wives and livestock and fields and for the general well-being of the community. Material: wood Size: 8" x 5" x 4"	Spirit Figure (boteba). The 300,000 Lobi are a farming people who live in southwestern Burkina Faso, northern Côte d'Ivoire and northwestern Ghana. They have no system of chiefs or other rulers whatsoever. The community is formed around divinities or thila (singular thil) rather than a political leader. These thila communicate religious laws to the community through diviners, and these laws govern the community. Very few Lobi have converted to either Christianity or Islam. The divinities are represented by figures like this one, called boteba. Its function may be to provide for the fertility of the owners wives and livestock and fields and for the general well-being of the community. These figures are placed on shrines in a dark corner of the owner’s house. Material: wood Size: 9" x 4" x 2"
LUBA (BALUBA, KALUBA, LOUBA, URUWA, WALUBA, WARUA) Democratic Republic of the Congo The Luba number 1 million. The vast Luba territory, comprising the entire southeastern part of the DRC, as far as Tanganyika and Lake Mweru, is uniform as regards language and culture, but racially mixed. Although the history of the Luba people is one of violence and warfare, their artistic style is characterized by harmonious integration of organically related forms. The splendid artistic achievements of the Luba are due to a felicitous intermingling of different racial and cultural elements, and to the high standards prevailing at the court. Luba arts counts amongst the finest that Africa has to offer. Artists occupied a privileged place in the hierarchy. The Luba artist carried a ceremonial ax on his shoulder, an emblem of prestige and of dignity of his position. Some apprentices would be recruited from among the deformed, who could neither hunt nor be warriors and who were believed to have a close connection with magic. Among the characteristics of Luba sculpture are: intricate hair-dress, often in the form of a cross, or falling down like a cascade; a grooved diagonal band separating the hair-line from the forehead; eyes shaped like coffee-beans; small simplified ‘cat’s ears’; ornamental cicatrices in relief on the body; the surface elaborately worked and polished. The traditional carvings are for ancestor and spirit cults, for initiation, medical and divination purposes. The favorite theme in sculpture was woman since, according to the Luba myth, vilie was the first woman spirit, founder of the clan and guarantor of fertility and the lineage. Women were cult guardians, and the royal wives played an important role: sent as emissaries to the chiefs of neighboring ethnicities, they would contract profitable political alliances based on marriage. Some figures are freestanding, almost always in a frontal position, often with their hands on their breasts; others are kneeling, sitting, or standing figures whose upraised hands serve as supports for bowls, seats, and neck rests. The figures are often characterized by elaborate scarification patterns on the body. The diviner, painted white, used the mboko, a seated or crouched female figure holding a bowl robbed with kaolin. He would shake her and analyze the position of the different objects the bowl contained. In the healing ritual, the sorcerer would use the kabila, or daughter of the spirit, which consisted of a figure and receptacle, which were also placed at the entry to the house during the childbirth. The female figures are modeled in rounded forms and have what is called dodu; that is, a stylistic tendency toward plumpness. One well-known Luba sub-style has been called the "long-face style" of Buli. It contrasts strongly with the roundness of other Luba figures. The faces are elongated, with angular, elegant features. Many Luba statues also carry magic ingredients on the top of the head. Of the several mask types used by the Luba, one of the better known is kifwebe, a mask elaborated with whitened parallel grooves on a dark ground. The kifwebe masks, used by the secret society of the same name, originated in this territory. The Luba attribute its origins to three spirits, which emerged from a ditch near a lake. The female spirit was attracted by humans and went to live among them. The two male spirits stayed in the bush, but visited the village where they dazzled the inhabitants with their dancing to the point where the men begged to be initiated. These distinctive masks vary a great deal but in general are characterized by lineal patterns all over the face. They were worn with a raffia costume. Danced in male/female couples and representing spirits, kifwebe connect this world and the spirit world. They are used to mark important periods of social transition and transformation, appearing at the death of a chief or any other eminent person, or when a person assumes an important political title. Worn on the night of the new moon, they are also performed in honor of ancestors. They also are perceived as having healing abilities. Examples of large round kifwebe masks with broad noses, rectangular mouths, and flattened crests, entered European collections by the second half of the nineteenth century. During the first two decades of the twentieth century, the kifwebe masking tradition spread throughout the Luba and Songye regions of southwest DRC. Female masks are distinguished from male masks by geometric patterns that represent beauty, including dots, crosses, chevrons, and triangles. Entirely different are Luba masks with curved ram’s horns. Luba circular stools, carved from one tree trunk are of high artistic merit. They are usually supported by a caryatid figure of a kneeling or standing woman, the sit resting on her head and also supported by upraised arms. The headrests are also of great variety. The Luba produced ceremonial staffs and scepters of very great variety and beauty. Similar care is shown in adze and axe handles, with the blade inset like a tongue, arrow quivers, etc. In Luba sculpture, one also finds drums, pendants, shields, bellows, and pipes.
Headrest. The vast Luba territory comprises the entire southeastern part of the DRC, as far as Tanganyika and Lake Mweru. While not an object exclusively limited to royal use, headrests were prized possessions of Luba chiefs. Wooden headrests are used as pillows to preserve intricate coiffures. Some hairdos took up to fifty hours to complete. Using a headrest allowed the hairdo to last two or three months. In addition to the great personal attachment that Luba people developed for their headrests, these were also seen as the seat of dreams. Luba consider dreams to be prophetic: dreams foretell important events, provide warnings and communicate messages from the other world. It is therefore fitting that headrests should be supported by the female priestesses who serve in real life as intermediaries and interlocutors for the spirits of the other world. Material: wood Size: 6" x 6" x 4"	Female Kifwebe mask. The Luba attribute the origins of the kifwebe society to three spirits, which emerged from a ditch near a lake. The female spirit was attracted by humans and went to live among them. The two male spirits stayed in the bush, but visited the village where they dazzled the inhabitants with their dancing to the point where the men begged to be initiated. The grooves marking the surface of kifwebe refer to the ditch from which the founding spirits emerged. The masks therefore are marked with signs of the portal to the other world. During the first two decades of the twentieth century, the kifwebe masking tradition spread throughout the Luba and Songye regions of southwest DRC. They were worn in male/female pairs for royal ceremonies, on the night of the new moon when ancestors are honored, during initiation and funeral ceremonies, and when a person assumed an important political title. They also are perceived as having healing abilities. These masks were worn with a raffia costume. Examples of the round kifwebe masks entered European collections by the second half of the nineteenth century. Female kifwebe masks differ by smaller crests or even by lack of them. Material: wood Size: 28" x 21" x 12"	Female Kifwebe mask. The Luba attribute the origins of the kifwebe society to three spirits, which emerged from a ditch near a lake. The female spirit was attracted by humans and went to live among them. The two male spirits stayed in the bush, but visited the village where they dazzled the inhabitants with their dancing to the point where the men begged to be initiated. The grooves marking the surface of kifwebe refer to the ditch from which the founding spirits emerged. The masks therefore are marked with signs of the portal to the other world. During the first two decades of the twentieth century, the kifwebe masking tradition spread throughout the Luba and Songye regions of southwest DRC. They were worn in male/female pairs for royal ceremonies, on the night of the new moon when ancestors are honored, and during initiation and funeral ceremonies. They also are perceived as having healing abilities. These masks were worn with a raffia costume. Examples of the round kifwebe masks entered European collections by the second half of the nineteenth century. Female kifwebe masks differ by smaller crests or even by lack of them. Material: wood Size: 12" x 9" x 6"	*Female bowl bearer (Mboko).* The vast Luba territory, comprising the entire southeastern part of the DRC, as far as Tanganyika and Lake Mweru, is uniform as regards language and culture, but racially mixed. Designed to forecast future events, the bowl bearer – known as a mboko (the name for the sacred vessel held by the figure) – is a vivid example of how knowledge and divination are visualized in Luba culture. Luba bowl figures commemorate the first mythical Luba diviner, Mijibu wa Kalenga, and were primarily the preserve of royal diviners who used them as oracles. More recently, such works have also been commissioned by rulers for use as containers filled with sacred chalk (kaolin), an empowering material associated with purity, renewal, and the spirit world. They were sometimes kept at the door of the royal residence. Visitors were expected to take the kaolin to smear on their chests and arms, and to spread on the ground before the king as a gesture of respect. One well-known Luba sub-style has been called the "long-face style" of Buli. It contrasts strongly with the roundness of other Luba figures. The faces are elongated, with angular, elegant features. This figure is a good example of this style. Material: wood Size: 21" x 11" x 10"
Bow stand. Bow stands were among the most sacred regalia in the treasures of Luba kings and chiefs. These objects with their three projecting wooden branches functioned as resting stands for bows and arrows, but were primarily symbols of royal authority. Never displayed in public, bow stands were fastidiously guarded in the king’s shrine by a female dignitary called the Kyabuta, who, at public ceremonies, followed the chief holding a simple bow between her breasts, becoming a living bow stand. Only the king and one official had access to this shrine. These precautions were taken not only to ensure against theft, but to protect viewers from the tremendous power of the objects. Material: wood Size: 39" x 12" x 4"	Female Figure MAterial: wood Size: 29" x 9" x 7"	Stool. In addition to the caryatid stools, Luba have produced nonfigurative stools. This one is an example. Material: wood Size: 20" x 20" x 20"	Staff of office. African staffs of office have many roles and functions, as symbols of office and as metaphorical extensions of the hand. But for Luba people, staffs also function as visual records of the details of family history, migration, and genealogy. High-level office holders carry staffs to public proceedings and perform historical recitations to honor ancestors and teach their descendants about family ties to Luba kingship. The word “kingship” cannot accurately portray the true nature of Luba royalty, which was based on the duality of the sexes. The pervasive representation of women on male officeholders’ emblems, and the important role of women in Luba political and religious history as spirit mediums, reinforce the ambiguous gendering of power. (If the women look in different directions:). Material: wood, metal, metal coil Size: 56" x 4"	Headrest. The vast Luba territory comprises the entire southeastern part of the DRC, as far as Tanganyika and Lake Mweru. While not an object exclusively limited to royal use, headrests were prized possessions of Luba chiefs. Wooden headrests are used as pillows to preserve intricate coiffures. Some hairdos took up to fifty hours to complete. Using a headrest allowed the hairdo to last two or three months. In addition to the great personal attachment that Luba people developed for their headrests, these were also seen as the seat of dreams. Luba consider dreams to be prophetic: dreams foretell important events, provide warnings and communicate messages from the other world. It is therefore fitting that headrests should be supported by the female priestesses who serve in real life as intermediaries and interlocutors for the spirits of the other world. Material: wood Size: 11" x 11' x 7"
Staff of office. African staffs of office have many roles and functions, as symbols of office and as metaphorical extensions of the hand. But for Luba people, staffs also function as visual records of the details of family history, migration, and genealogy. High-level office holders carry staffs to public proceedings and perform historical recitations to honor ancestors and teach their descendants about family ties to Luba kingship. The word “kingship” cannot accurately portray the true nature of Luba royalty, which was based on the duality of the sexes. The pervasive representation of women on male officeholders’ emblems, and the important role of women in Luba political and religious history as spirit mediums, reinforce the ambiguous gendering of power. (If the women look in different directions:). This staff, with its portrayal of a woman, expresses the Luba belief in women’s powers to bridge both worlds and to mediate between kings and spirits. Material: wood Size: 35" x 3"	Spoon. Luba art is a court art that endowed everyday objects with a stamp of luxury and prestige – stools, staffs, arrow carriers, headrests, and others. The typical Luba figure is female with rounded features and soft, sensitive forms. This spoon is one of such objects. Material: wood Size: 18" x 3" x 1"	Comb. The splendid artistic achievements of the Luba are due to a felicitous intermingling of different racial and cultural elements, and to the high standards prevailing at the court. Luba arts counts amongst the finest that Africa has to offer. The favorite theme in sculpture was woman since, according to the Luba myth, vilie was the first woman spirit, founder of the clan and guarantor of fertility and the lineage. Women were cult guardians, and the royal wives played an important role: sent as emissaries to the chiefs of neighboring ethnicities, they would contract profitable political alliances based on marriage. Therefore iconographic representation of women in Luba sculpture is widespread and correlates to the important role of women in Luba society. The Luba are best known for their carved stools, divination bowls (mboko), bow stands, standing and sitting woman figures, combs, and others. Elaborately carved and decorated combs in a rich array of forms are worn as hair ornaments. This comb is one of them. Material: wood Size: NOT FOUND	Female Kifwebe mask. The Luba attribute the origins of the kifwebe society to three spirits, which emerged from a ditch near a lake. The female spirit was attracted by humans and went to live among them. The two male spirits stayed in the bush, but visited the village where they dazzled the inhabitants with their dancing to the point where the men begged to be initiated. The grooves marking the surface of kifwebe refer to the ditch from which the founding spirits emerged. The masks therefore are marked with signs of the portal to the other world. During the first two decades of the twentieth century, the kifwebe masking tradition spread throughout the Luba and Songye regions of southwest DRC. They were worn in male/female pairs for royal ceremonies, on the night of the new moon when ancestors are honored, during initiation and funeral ceremonies, and when a person assumed an important political title. They also are perceived as having healing abilities. These masks were worn with a raffia costume. Examples of the round kifwebe masks entered European collections by the second half of the nineteenth century. Female kifwebe masks differ by smaller crests or even by lack of them. Material: wood Size: 10" x 9" x 3"	Headrest. This object destined to support the neck and to protect the sleeper’s very sophisticated coiffure. Some hairdos, like this type of “pagoda” coiffure, took up to fifty hours to complete. Using a headrest allowed the hairdo to last two or three months. This headrest comprises the figure of a rider mounted on what appears to be a long-horned antelope, or even a goat. He stretches out his arms to grasp a supplemental element of support implanted in the animal’s neck. While not an object exclusively limited to royal use, headrests were prized possessions of Luba chiefs. In addition to the great personal attachment that Luba people developed for their headrests, these were also seen as the seat of dreams. Luba consider dreams to be prophetic: dreams foretell important events, provide warnings and communicate messages from the other world. Material: wood Size: 7" x 6" x 3"
	Female Figure on a Gourd A wooden female figure seated on top of a gourd functioned as a nkisi (a fetish). A Bilumbu - a spirit medium would utilize such objects for divination and healing. They may also be used for retrieving lost articles, curing sterility and revealing prophecy through dreams. Materials: wood, gourd, seeds, plant fiber, rope. Size: 10" x 5" x 5"	Female divination rattle Kibuta or divination has been an important part of Luba way of life. This rattle is a nkisi - a female figure atop of 3 small gourds. A Bilumbu diviner would rattle the seeds in the three small gourds, while performing the divination for help with locating misplaced objects, curing sterility and attaining general well-being. Materials: wood, small gourds/seeds Size: 10" x 2" x 2"	Headrest. Using a headrest allowed the hairdo to last two or three months. Headrests were prized possessions of Luba chiefs. In addition to the great personal attachment that Luba people developed for their headrests, these were also seen as the seat of dreams. Luba consider dreams to be prophetic: dreams foretell important events, provide warnings and communicate messages from the other world. This headrest rests on the head of a kneeling male who is stretching his hands out to a large ceremonial vessel. The vessel and the forehead of its user are decorated with an ornament. Material: wood Size: 7" x 6" x 3"
LULA Democratic Republic of the Congo The 15,000 Lula settled along the banks of the Nseki River. Today they live in autonomous villages and their economic survival depends on hunting and fishing. Stylistically, their statues show Teke-like facial scarifications, while the carved coiffure and the general morphology of the figures are influenced by the Yaka. The Lula carved small apotropaic figures (25 cm high) and prestige objects such as flywhisks and headrests. In the 1980s, Lula masks first appeared in the West. They are covered with blue and white pigments and have oblong shape and typical rounded eyes. They are thought to have been worn by the guardian of the initiation camp. (adapted from J.-B. Bacquart, The Tribal Arts of Africa, Thames and Hudson, N. Y., 1998)
Initiation mask. Migrating with the Yaka people from Angola during 16^th century, the 15,000 Lula settled along the banks of the Nseki River in Haut-Zaire Region. Today they live in autonomous villages and their economic survival depends on hunting and fishing. Stylistically, they are under influence of Teke and Yaka. In the 1980s, Lula masks first appeared in the West. They have an oblong shape and typical rounded eyes. They are thought to have been worn by the guardian of the initiation camps. Lula artists used white and blue pigments to accentuate shapes and surfaces on their masks. Material: wood Size:19" x 10" x 10"
LULUA Democratic Republic of the Congo Lulua is an umbrella term, which refers to a large number of heterogeneous peoples who populate the region near the Lulua River, between the Kasai and Sankuru rivers. The Lulua people migrated from western Africa during the 18th century and settled in the southern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly Zaire). They number 300,000 and live in small regional chiefdoms and in times of crisis elect a common leader. The role of the village chief is to insure juridical, political and social cohesion. During the late 19th century, Lulua culture underwent radical changes. In 1875, the Lulua king, Kalambam, introduces new social and religious regulations, which ended the traditional palm-wine drinking and hemp smoking. Their economy is mostly based on agriculture, hunt and trade. Primarily farmers, Lulua women grow manioc as a staple crop, as well as beans, sweet potatoes, maize, yams, peanuts, and bananas. The men are responsible for clearing the forest and preparing the soil for cultivation. They also hunt, fish with nets, and trap animals in the surrounding forests. Salt is found in the region and is collected and sold to neighbors to generate income. The Lulua statuary is remarkable in the degree of its scarification, a manifestation of a wish to be socially differentiated. These marks must be very ancient as in 80^th of 19^th century they were no found on the Lulua themselves. The statues represent great chiefs with beards and insignia, and these effigies would be planted in the ground to protect the household when the head of the family was absent. These male figures depict warriors-chiefs who often hold a ceremonial sword and shield, or a cup. Sometimes knives and other paraphernalia hang from the belt. The most famous statuettes are the mbulenga, or female charm statuettes. The chibola are maternity figures that, when worn on the belt, protected the newborn child or the baby about to be born: the chibola would stand watch over childbirths. The protruding abdomen of the woman emphasizes the importance of the lineage. Other figures are in crouching or squatting positions with raised hands resting on the neck and the oversize head. It is said that this position corresponded to the burial form, and in all probability these statues represent ancestors. Other statuettes with truncated bases protected against sorcerers, thieves, and lightning; they were used in divination sessions, and could bring about bad luck. Crouching figures with receptacles on their heads were used as hemp boxes by the hunters, who attached them to the belt and spoke to them, and they brought him luck on his return. During the hunting ritual, the statue would be fed and placed on a small earth hillock to witness the hunt. Warrior statues are also numerous. Large standing figures, carrying a cup, were charms of beauty and luck inhabited by ancestral spirits. These statues participated in the investitures of chiefs and at their funerals. One should note the importance of the head, which frequently comprises a quarter of the total dimension of the figure. The hairdos generally end in a point and have tufts of hair emerging from the back of the skull. The horn projected from the top of the head symbolizes power. The neck is long, the shoulders tattooed, the breasts small and pointy. The position of the arms at right angles expresses virile strength. The navel is often pointed, surrounded by concentric circles that symbolize life. The legs are short. As for Lulua masks, the heterogeneous composition of the people and the considerable area they occupy, explain the many stylistic overlappings with their neighbors. The formal and functional diversity of the masks testifies to the region as an ethnic crossroads and sometimes makes it difficult to confirm their origin. One can distinguish at least two categories of wooden Lulua masks. The first group consists of face masks with concave eye-sockets and intricate geometric painted patterns; the second consists of face masks with concave eye-sockets, simpler patterns, and plank-shaped crest. Lulua masks with their pointed nose and deep eye-sockets were probably used during circumcision and funeral ceremonies. The Lulua also make pipes, tobacco mortars, neck-rests, hemp jars, drums, combs, small hunters’ flutes, and adzes.
Initiation Spirit Mask. The Lulua numbering 300,000 inhabit a vast region in the south central DRC. They live in small relatively independent regional chiefdoms. Lulua women grow manioc as a staple crop, as well as beans, sweet potatoes, maize, yams, peanuts, and bananas. The men are responsible for clearing the forest and preparing the soil for cultivation. They also hunt, fish with nets, and trap animals in the surrounding forests. The Lulua were never politically united and therefore there were a large number of relatively autonomous chiefs, which meant that many local dignitaries had works of art dedicated to them. The heterogeneous composition of the Lulua, and the considerable area they occupy, explain the many stylistic overlapping with their neighbors. Lulua art is very personal and has very little relation to neighboring styles. The Lulua masks representing the spirits of the dead are used by masqueraders who perform during circumcision rites in initiation ceremonies. They have recently been danced to celebrate the founding of a new mission post or hospital and to entertain occasional visitors. Material: wood Size: 15" x 8" x 5"	Female figure. The Lulua are a patrilineal Bantu-speaking people who inhabit a vast region in the province of West Kasai in the south central DRC. Lulua art is very personal and has little relation to neighboring styles. The subjects are men, women, and mother-and-child-groups. The body is covered with elaborate scarification marks. Body decoration is a peculiar trait of Lulua sculpture, and echoes a cosmetic practice widespread among the women of the upper class. Figures of mothers with children or of pregnant women, like this one, are associated with the fertility cult, and were sculpted for mothers who had aborted or had continually lost children on the suggestion of the priest-healer, in order to encourage normal pregnancies. The tattoos, considered signs of beauty, indicated the high position of woman in society. Material: wood Size: 23" x 5" x 4"	*Female chibola* figure.** Lulua is an umbrella term, which refers to a large number of heterogeneous peoples who populate the region near the Lulua River, between the Kasai and Sankuru rivers. The Lulua statuary is remarkable in the degree of its scarification, a manifestation of a wish to be socially differentiated. These marks must be very ancient as in 80^th of 19^th century they were no found on the Lulua themselves. The chibola are maternity figures that, when worn on the belt, protected the newborn child or the baby about to be born: the chibola would stand watch over childbirths. The protruding abdomen of the woman emphasizes the importance of the lineage. Material: wood Size: 9" x 3" x 3"	*Female chibola* figure*. The Lulua practiced the cult of Bwanga Bwa Cibola which was thought to help women who suffered repeated still-births or lost several children shortly after birth. An act of sorcery was blamed, and the woman consulted a diviner. The diviner advised the woman to have herself initiated into the bwanga* cult which involved a certain number of dietary taboos and other prohibitions. The initiate was given a statuette depicting a pregnant woman or a maternity statue. She went on to live in a small dwelling outside the village. Like the other Lulua sculptures this figurine is covered with rich scarifications, which the Lulua see as tokens of beauty. Standing statues were placed in a basket by the woman’s bed. Material: wood Size: 30" x 7" x 8"	Ceremonial female. The name of this tribe derives from the name of the Lulua River (in the south central DRC), which they inhabit. Numbering 300,000 they live in small regional chiefdoms. The Lulua were never politically united and therefore there were a large number of relatively autonomous chiefs, which meant that many local dignitaries had works of art dedicated to them. The Lulua are a patrilineal Bantu-speaking people who inhabit a vast region in the province of West Kasai in the south central DRC. They devote themselves mostly to the hunt. Lulua art is very personal and has little relation to neighboring styles. The subjects are men, women, and mother-and-child-groups. The crouching figures are thought to be associated with disease and suffering. Material: wood Size: 22" x 4" x 4"
LWALWA (BALUALUA, BALWALWA, LWALU) Democratic Republic of the Congo and Angola Lwalwa people are related to Lulua. Inhabiting the triangle formed by the Kasai River and its tributary, the Lweta, in the southwest of the former Kasai province, 20,000 Lwalwa live in DRC, but many more are in Angola. Their social and political organization is rudimentary. Each Lwalwa village is headed by a male or female chief, whose power is held in check by a powerful society, the bangongo. The Lwalwa believe in a supreme being, but they worship only the spirits of the hunt and nature. The land where the Lwalwa live is rich and fertile, lending itself well to the agricultural economy of the people. The women are almost wholly responsible for all that goes into the growing of crops, both for local consumption and for trade. The men do, however, lend a hand during the busy harvest time, so that they can evaluate their household intake for the season. Although hunting by the men provides some occasional supplementary protein, the women provide the majority of the nutritious intake. The hunt, sometimes individual and sometimes communal, still plays an important social role among the Lwalwa. The sculptor enjoyed a privileged status and was paid handsomely; his profession was hereditary and often, due to his riches, he was made village chief in charge of the masked dances. Lwalwa carvers are famous for their masks. The masks typically display a balanced composition, an enlarged angular nose, a protruding mouth and slanted eyes set under a deeply formed forehead. These sharply delineated features give Lwalwa art almost geometric appearance. The masks may be divided into four types: the nkaki, or man’s mask, with a nose sculpted into a wide triangular panel that sometimes extends up to the forehead; the shifoola, a mask with a short, hooked nose; the mvondo, the nose of which is reminiscent of the nkaki’s, but smaller; and finally the mushika or kashika, which represents a woman and which has a frontal crest. The shapes of the nose are modeled after different birds. The lips are narrow but protruding and thick; the eyes have openings in horizontal slits. On the temples they have a protuberance that represents tattooing. The masks had an important function in the bangongo dance of the hunting ritual. When hunters returned empty-handed, the ancestors would be appeased by organizing a dance. The masks were also used in a secret ritual of the bangongo society, in charge of initiation and circumcision of young men. The choreography of masked dances was highly complex and had to appease the spirits of the ancestors and compel them to intervene. Masks still play a role today in secular festivities. Nowadays the mask dances are performed for payment, and their magic has largely given way to entertainment. The statuary limited to rather crude figurines whose features are copied from masks, played a definite role in the fertility ritual and also in the cult devoted to the spirits.
*Male nkaki* ceremonial mask.** The land where 20,000 Lwalwa live is rich and fertile, lending itself well to the agricultural economy of the people. Lwalwa art, known mostly by the masks, is the most original in a group of tribes located in the region where the Kasai River marks the border between Zaire and Angola. Sculpting is recognized as a prestigious profession and is usually passed on from father to son. Sculptors are a privileged caste of the community and the Lwalwa are renowned dancers. Masks play an important role in the lives of the Lwalwa. There are four types of masks, three masculine and one feminine. The masks had an important function in the bangongo dance of the hunting ritual. When hunters returned empty-handed, the ancestors would be appeased by organizing a dance. The masks were also used in a secret ritual of the bangongo society, in charge of initiation and circumcision of young men. The choreography of masked dances was highly complex and had to appease the spirits of the ancestors and compel them to intervene. Masks still play a role today in secular festivities. Material: wood Size: 14" x 9" x 7"	Ceremonial Figurine. The statuary limited to figurines whose features are copied from masks, played a definite role in the fertility ritual and also in the cult devoted to the spirits and ancestors. No details concerning Lwalwa figures are known. Material: wood Size: 17" x 3" x 3"
LWENA LWENA (ALUENA, KALUENA, LOVALE, LUENA, LURALE, WENA) Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia This primarily Angolan tribe lives partially in DRC and in Zambia. Led by a king, the Mwana Yamvo, the Lwena people support themselves from fishing in the wet plains at the source of the Zambeze River, in Angola. The structure of Lwena art is largely based on that of the Chokwe, but includes a more refined use of full, round shapes, and differ also by the coiffures and scarifications on the cheeks and forehead. Artistically, the Lwena appear to have focused their skills on carving female figures, which are also found on decorative ‘prestige’ objects such as canes, combs and finger pianos, and on masks. These differ from those of the Chokwe as their statues usually display a spherical cross-hatched coiffure which is often divided by a vertical ridge, and angular linear scarifications on their cheeks. All in all, it is a very female art related to a tribal social structure in which women play important roles, including that of chief.
*Young woman pwevo* mask**. The structure of Lwena art is largely based on that of the Chokwe, but includes a more refined use of full, round shapes. Artistically, the Lwena appear to have focused their skills on carving masks and female figures. All in all, it is a very female art related to a tribal social structure in which women play important roles, including that of chief. This is a “young woman” mask, presenting a mythical female personage who died young and whose painful loss was recalled by the masquerader’s dance. Such masks, danced by men, appear at various festivities in order to entertain the village, and especially its female inhabitants, with performances in which sexual references play a key part. The Lwena style of this mask is indicated mainly by cheek scarifications and round coiffure. Material: wood Size:12" x 6" x 5"
MAKONDE (WAMAKONDE) Tanzania and Mozambique Inhabiting the southeast of Tanzania and the northeast of Mozambique are about 500,000 Makonde, divided into matrilineal clans, each one comprising several villages. Decisions are made by a chief supported by a council. Clan members meet only for the ancestral cult and to celebrate initiations. According to legend, shortly after the Creation, the first man, wandering around outside the bush, sculpted a female figure out of wood, and the statue became a real woman who gave him many children and, after her death, became the venerated ancestress of the Makonde. This accounts for the ancestress cult as well as the profusion of sculpted female figures, kept in huts. In the traditional homelands of the Makonde the primary source of food comes from slash and burn farming. Crops include maize, sorghum, and cassava. This is often supplemented by hunting. The precolonial Makonde lived in dispersed settlements. Each settlement was composed of a small number of households headed by men belonging to a matrilineal kinship unit called a likola. A likola was said to derive from a common female ancestor, revered as a life-giver and protector, who was represented by figurines only a few inches tall. Carved from soft wood, the images were embellished with traditional body decoration: the face and torso had geometrical designs, and the upper lip exhibited the lip-plug worn by Makonde women of the time. People often carried such carvings with them on long journeys. For example, a man going out to hunt might have tied one to his back or hip to protect him from danger. Other carvings served educational purposes. One of the most important events in the life of a Makonde was initiation. During this intensive months-long ritual, girls and boys were provided with knowledge and skills essential to the Makonde way of life. Carvings sometimes functioned as teaching tools in the context. The most important carving used in initiation ceremonies was the lipiko (or mapiko) mask, which was worn over the top of the head, tilted back so the wearer could look out through the mouth. The masks sometimes represent ancestral spirits, sometimes animals. The ancestors come back masked in order to express their joy at the successful achievement of initiation. Their presence is proof of the tight bonds that exist between the living and the dead. The Makonde masks may attain great expressiveness. Some are simple in form, with static concave planes; others display an organically sensed rounded style. The naturalism is exaggerated in many masks, with their full lips and receding cranium. The faces of the masks are often scarified. The Makonde have two main types of masks: helmet crests, known as lipiko, and face masks. The anthropomorphic face masks portray particular individuals or occasionally represent sickness. Design elements frequently include scarification marks, and eyebrows, lashes and coiffure made of real hair affixed with wax. The helmet masks have strong, Negroid features. Male masks have beards, female ones lip-plugs and – a travesty of the male dancer – body masks in which two breasts are depicted in the middle of the wax tattoos. The body masks celebrate the return of young men to the village after they have been initiated into adult life. The men who wear them cover their faces with a mask of a feminine face. They represent pregnant women. The feminine mask dances with great composure while a masculine mask dramatizes the pains of childbirth. An orchestra of drummers accompanies the dances. Certain masks must inspire terror in the women, who may only view their apparition with their upper body bent over and their head facing down towards the ground. Animal masks are provided with long ears and horns, and dancers in ape masks turn acrobatic somersaults. The Makonde are almost the only ethnicity in East Africa to create fairly naturalistic sculptures – primarily maternity figures, which are intended to ensure the fertility of the fields and women. The upper lip of the female figurine is elongated by a labret. The standing figures often have the arms separated from the body. These male and female figures represent ancestors, and have apotropaic functions. Famous, too, are the milete: small wooden boxes for medicines, snuff or gunpowder, the lids of which bear pretty motifs of rosettes and animal figures.
Ancestral Female Figure. The 500,000 Makonde are divided into matrilineal clans, each one comprising several villages. Clan members meet for the ancestral cult and to celebrate initiations. The Makonde believe in a world of ancestor spirits and in malevolent spirits who make an appearance during the ceremonies that close initiation rites. According to legend, shortly after the Creation, the first man, wandering around outside the bush, sculpted a female figure out of wood, and the statue became a real woman who gave him many children and, after her death, became the venerated ancestress of the Makonde. This accounts for the ancestress cult as well as the profusion of sculpted female figures, kept in huts. During this intensive months-long ritual, girls and boys were provided with knowledge and skills essential to the Makonde way of life. The Makonde practice of carving protective ancestor figures predates the colonial era. Material: wood Size: 25" x 11" x 9"	*Initiation lipico* facemask.** The 500,000 Makonde, divided into matrilineal clans, survive economically from farming and occasionally, cattle rearing. Makonde carvers are prolific producers of masks, statues and decorative objects. The most famous are the lipico masks, which are used to mark a boy’s initiation into adulthood. Lipico is the name that Makonde men give to the masker of their masquerading association, who is brought from the bush into the village for initiation celebrations. . They were worn by the men who directed the initiation and whose identity was carefully hidden from women and young boys. It was only revealed to the adolescents at the end of their initiation, after they had undergone various ordeals. The dances are accompanied by an orchestra of drummers. These masks have realistic features. The hairdo is made of human hair. The masks are carved with light balsa-like wood and are always worn with a cloth. Material: wood Size: 11" x 10' x 10"	Ancestral Female Figure. The Makonde believe in a world of ancestor spirits and in malevolent spirits who make an appearance during the ceremonies that close initiation rites. According to legend, shortly after the Creation, the first man, wandering around outside the bush, sculpted a female figure out of wood, and the statue became a real woman who gave him many children and, after her death, became the venerated ancestress of the Makonde. This accounts for the ancestress cult as well as the profusion of sculpted female figures, kept in huts. During the intensive months-long initiation ritual, girls and boys were provided with knowledge and skills essential to the Makonde way of life. The Makonde carver was first and foremost a farmer, dedicating time to carving only in the off-season or during periods of rest. The Makonde practice of carving protective ancestor figures predates the colonial era. Material: wood Size: 21" x 8" x 6"	No information exists about this mask 11" x 8" x 6"	*Body mask (Njorowe).* Among the Makonde in southern Tanzania, masquerading is linked with the initiation of adolescent boys and girls, to prepare them for their future role as husbands and wives. In the masquerades held at the end of the isolation period, the actors dance and pantomime relations between the sexes or embody various characters, each topic being represented by a particular mask type. In earlier periods, a body plate (njorowe) with breasts, protruding navel and a bulging belly represented a young, pregnant woman. It was part of the costume of a male dancer whose face was concealed behind a female mask. In his performance together with a male mask figure, he moved sluggishly mimed sexual intercourse with his partner, and demonstrated the burdens of pregnancy and giving birth. These evocative performances can still be observed among the Makonde today. The meaning of the scarification representing a lizard is not clear. Material: wood Size: 27" x 14" x 9"
	*Body mask (Njorowe).* Among the Makonde in southern Tanzania, masquerading is linked with the initiation of adolescent boys and girls, to prepare them for their future role as husbands and wives. In the masquerades held at the end of the isolation period, the actors dance and pantomime relations between the sexes or embody various characters, each topic being represented by a particular mask type. In earlier periods, a body plate (njorowe) with breasts, protruding navel and a bulging belly represented a young, pregnant woman. It was part of the costume of a male dancer whose face was concealed behind a female mask. In his performance together with a male mask figure, he moved sluggishly mimed sexual intercourse with his partner, and demonstrated the burdens of pregnancy and giving birth. These evocative performances can still be observed among the Makonde today. MAterial: Wood, beads, fabric Size: 24" x 13" x 10"	Female face mask. The Makonde have two mask types: helmet crests, used principally by the groups in Mozambique, and face masks , prevalent among the Tanzanian Makonde. The anthropomorphic face masks portray particular individuals or occasionally represent sickness. Female masks like this one often have a lip plug, and male masks a beard. This mask is covered with human hair, and has simple circular scarification. The mask covered the dancer’s head. His disguise was completed by a costume of fabrics, foliage, or feathers, supplemented by various accessories such as fly whisks, dance stuffs, noisemakers, or weapons. The Makonde still hold masquerade dances at the end of initiation ceremonies, when adolescent boys and girls return from their separate bush camps after a period of seclusion. In this context the anthropomorphic masks embody ancestral spirits, whose apparition serves to remind the initiates of their new position in the community and the rights and duties it entails. Material: wood, human hair Size: 9" x 7" x 4"	Size: 18" x 11" x 12"
MAMA (KANTANA) Nigeria The Mama live on the plateaus of northern Nigeria, extending from the present-day state of Ebbi to the Cameroon border. Difficulty accessible, this extremely varied region from an ethnic and linguistic point of view, has in the past been the site of numerous migrations and invasions. Geographically isolated, the peoples of the northeast – Montol, Jukun, Koro, Goemai, Mama, etc – have up to present been relatively little studied. Nonetheless, among the majority of these peoples we do find the institution of a chief/priest invested with sacred authority, one responsible for the well-being of the entire community. The political organization of the Mama, however, was quite varied. The plateau region has a long artistic tradition behind it, for it is here that the Nok civilization blossomed – one that has given us the most ancient evidence of terracotta figurative sculpture from West Africa. From an artistic viewpoint, the Mama are producers of rather abstract statuary, as well as masks that are associated with the world of the ancestral spirits – spirits who exercise an important function of social control. One finds the image of the buffalo and the antelope throughout the whole valley of the Shemankar, among the Mama as among the Goemai and the Jucun. These animals are closely related to the material prosperity provided by good harvests. The dance took place within the framework of the mangam cult. Outside the areas reserved for the cult, buffalo skulls, occasionally set in mud walls, prove that the animal, in the form of skulls or masks, played an important role in the Mama’a ancestor cult.
Buffalo spirit mask. The Mama live on the plateaus of northern Nigeria. Almost inaccessible, this extremely varied region from an ethnic and linguistic point of view, has in the past been the site of numerous migrations and invasions. The plateau region has a long artistic tradition behind it, for it is here that the Nok civilization blossomed – one that has given us the most ancient evidence of terracotta figurative sculpture from West Africa. From an artistic viewpoint, the Mama are producers of rather abstract masks that are associated with the world of the ancestral spirits – spirits who exercise an important function of social control. One finds the image of the buffalo and the antelope among the Mama. These animals are closely related to the material prosperity provided by good harvests. This mask represents the stylized image of a buffalo, whose horns form a circle. Inspired on the living model of a dwarf buffalo, it belongs to the exclusively male association which have inherited their power directly from the ancestors, and whose purpose is to maintain social order and agricultural productivity. An animal of the bush with a most dangerous reputation, the buffalo is often the image for potency and occult power. The dances where the buffalo intervenes are often related to human and agricultural fecundity. Material: wood Size: 14" x 12" x 3"
MAMBILA Cameroon and Nigeria The 25,000 Mambila, farmers and stockbreeders, occupy the region bordering Cameroon and Nigeria, to the north of Grassland. Land, every family’s property, is distributed by the group’s chief. The primary cereal crops include sorghum, rice, and millet. They also grow bananas, yams, maize, manioc, peppers, peanuts, sweet potatoes, and tobacco. They acquired the practice of milking cattle from the Fulani and also use manure from the cattle as fertilizer. Goats, chickens, dogs, and sheep are raised for meat. Some hunting and fishing is done, but neither contributes significantly to the daily economy. Labor is divided between men and women, and children begin to work at the age of twelve. A society of mutual assistance, the kurum, participates in clearing land, harvesting, and building houses and facilitates social contacts during celebrations and dances. The men are in charge of weaving cotton, metal- and woodworking, and braiding fiber. Merchants and blacksmiths are separated from the rest of the community. The trade is passed from father to son. They practice the ancestor cult and agrarian rites. The Mambila only worshipped family ancestors. According to their beliefs, at one’s death the ancestors take away the soul of the deceased during the night. The chiefs of the lineage were buried in granaries, for they are representative of prosperity and life, just as the grains of millet. Mambila art centers upon an association called suaga. It is primarily concerned with justice and supernatural cleansing within the community. The Mambila produced a considerable number of figures that are characterized by a heart-shaped face; pigments are often applied later. Mambila figures embody ancestors who, according to their beliefs, are responsible for the clan's wealth. The figures appear with bent legs and typical enlarged head outlined in wooden pegs. Mambila also make highly stylized animal masks. Masks and statues were kept hidden from the eyes of women in a net hung on the inside of a hut that was on stilts; it was guarded by the head of the family. The front wall of the hut was decorated with two figures, male on the right and female on the left, crowned by a rainbow and framed by the sun and the moon. Dancers celebrating the beginning and end of the agricultural cycle are led by a tribesman wearing a cephalomorphic helmet mask. He is often followed by a retinue of assistants wearing secondary masks in the shape or stylized animal heads, usually dog’s or crow’s. In general, women are excluded from these masquerades, both as actors and as spectators. Women dressed in rags and vegetation present their own version of the masquerade at a different time and place.
*Ancestor spirit figure (tadep). Some* 25,000 Mambila, farmers and stockbreeders, occupy the region bordering Cameroon and Nigeria, to the north of Grassland. They are organized into villages without a centralized hierarchical structure. The Mambila believe that ancestor spirits must intercede to secure the well-being of the living, who do not address to supreme being directly. They practice the ancestor cult that gives rise to sculptures in wood and terracotta. The Mambila are famous for the originality of their sculpture. Their tadep figures are characterized by a heart-shaped face, enlarged head, outlined with wooden pegs. They are thought to embody ancestors who are responsible for the clan’s wealth. The tadep figures were used in healing rites and to deter thieves. Some sources also link them to the promotion of fertility. Material: wood Size: 15" x 8" x 4"	Suah helmet crest. Some 20 to 25,000 Mambila, agriculturists and stockbreeders, inhabit the region bordering Cameroon and Nigeria, to the north of Grassland. Organized into villages without a centralized hierarchical structure, the Mambila practice the ancestor cult. The chiefs of the lineage were buried in granaries, for they are representative of prosperity and life, just as the grains of millet. At regular intervals the Mambila practice agrarian rites with the intervention of masks from secret societies. The most important masks used at Mambila celebrations are these of this type. It represents either a cow called suah duah or a dog called suah buah. The masks have individual names. Such masks are worn twice a month at the waxing and the waning of the moon and for the promotion of the welfare of the community. They were also used at sowing and harvesting festivals. Material: wood Size: 23" x 8" x 8"	Ancestor spirit figure (tadep). Mambila ancestral spirits are believed to be instrumental forces in the welfare of the living. While generally idealized as benevolent and the source of moral authority, ancestors nevertheless may also have an ambivalent and fickle quality. Thus, they must be placated and their goodwill humored to provide the good things in life: fertility, health, prosperity. Ancestor figures are the concrete adobe for ancestral spirits, they are offered and treated with magical and medicinal substances to dispose them well toward their living descendants. The tadep figures are characterized by a heart-shaped face, enlarged head, outlined with wooden pegs. Material: wood Size: 14" x 4" x 3"	THIS ITEM IS SOLD Ancestor spirit figure (tadep). Mambila ancestral spirits are believed to be instrumental forces in the welfare of the living. While generally idealized as benevolent and the source of moral authority, ancestors nevertheless may also have an ambivalent and fickle quality. Thus, they must be placated and their goodwill humored to provide the good things in life: fertility, health, prosperity. Ancestor figures are the concrete adobe for ancestral spirits, they are offered and treated with magical and medicinal substances to dispose them well toward their living descendants. The tadep figures are characterized by a heart-shaped face, enlarged head, outlined with wooden pegs. The tadep figure are kept in family altars. Material: wood Size: 26" x 10" x 9"	*Ancestor spirit figure (tadep). Some* 25,000 Mambila occupy the region bordering Cameroon and Nigeria, to the north of Grassland. The Mambila believe that ancestor spirits must intercede to secure the well-being of the living, who do not address to supreme being directly. They practice the ancestor cult that gives rise to sculptures in wood and terracotta. The Mambila are famous for the originality of their sculpture. Their tadep figures are characterized by a heart-shaped face, enlarged head, outlined with wooden pegs. They are thought to embody ancestors who are responsible for the clan’s wealth. They are offered and treated with magical and medicinal substances to dispose them well toward their living descendants. The tadep figures were used in healing rites and to deter thieves. Some sources also link them to the promotion of fertility. Material: wood Size: 39" x 12" x 10"
Mambila (Mambilla)(?), Cameroon & Nigeria Ancestor guardian figure. Some 25,000 Mambila, farmers and stockbreeders, occupy the region bordering Cameroon and Nigeria, to the north of Grassland. They are organized into villages without a centralized hierarchical structure. The Mambila believe that ancestor spirits must intercede to secure the well-being of the living, who do not address to supreme being directly. They practice the ancestor cult that gives rise to sculptures in wood and terracotta. The Mambila are famous for the originality of their sculpture. Such figures served as guardian figures of the village ancestor house. Another source holds it is an image of a pygmy. Material: wood. Size: 29" x 14" x 13"
MANGBETU (GURUGURU, MOMBOUTTOUS, MONBUTTOO, NGBETU) Democratic Republic of the Congo In the middle of the 18th century the Mangbetu people left the Sudan, they re-located their kingdom in the north-eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Their social structure is not dissimilar to other Zairian forest-based tribes where the men hunt and fish, while the women are left to cultivate the fields. Yams, manioc and plantains are the primary crops, and some cattle farming is done. Unlike other Sudanic peoples, however, among the Mangbetu only the men are permitted to do the milking. Livestock is seen as a symbol of wealth and is often exchanged for bride prices. Ultimate authority over the 40,000 Mangbetu rests with a king whose sons govern the various provinces, which are divided into districts and villages. Mangbetu art, famous for its realism, is a court art. Wooden figures are believed to be ancestral portraits. It was developed particularly in terms of everyday objects under the impetus of the clan chiefs who wanted to show off their power and wealth. Royal celebrations, which took place in large vaulted sheds, were opportunities for exhibiting objects of luxury and refinement: pipes, palm wine jars featuring sculpted figures and heads, tree-bark boxes with covers decorated with heads, harps and trumpets played by wandering musicians, ornamental horns in worked ivory. Decorated thrones and knives were also part of the royal regalia. The Mangbetu tradition of compressing an infant's head with raffia in order to obtain an elongated skull is apparent in the statues. The elongation is further enhanced by a high coiffure finishing in a cup-like finial.
Ansestral Figure Material: wood Size: 20" x 6" x 5"
MARKA (WARKA) Mali, Burkina Faso The Marka are a Mande subgroup. This ethnic group is independent from the Bambara but their styles show a strong Bambara influence. The Marka are famous for their masks and puppets. Similar to Bambara's ntomo society masks, Marka masks are generally carved with horns, comb or crest on top of the head, but unlike Bambara masks they are often covered with metal sheeting. The Marka dress their masks in gaily-colored costumes made of cloth; they always appear in pairs, to represent man's courting of woman. Masks with a comb, similar to the ntomo masks of the Bambara, are danced in the context of adolescent boys’ initiation rites.
SOLD *Male tji wara* (antelope headdress)*The 400,000 Marka are a Mande subgroup. This ethnic group is independent from the Bambara but their styles show a strong Bambara influence. They live in the region that extends from the north of the Bambara to the Senegalese border. The dry savanna permits no more than a subsistence economy, and the soil produces, with some difficulty, millet, rice, and beans. Among the best known of their associations is the tji wara. In the past the purpose of this association was to encourage cooperation among all members of the community to ensure a successful crop. In recent time, however, the concept of tji wara* has become associated with the notion of good farmer, and the tji wara masqueraders are regarded as a farming beast. Always performing together in a male and female pair, the coupling of the antelope masqueraders speaks of fertility and agricultural abundance. According to one interpretation, the male antelope represents the sun and the female the earth Material: wood, metal sheeting, animal hair, cotton tassels Size: 65" x 18" x 4" SOLD	N’tomo ceremonial mask. The 400,000 Marka live principally from agriculture with some subsidiary cattle. The dry savanna permits no more than a subsistence economy, and the soil produces, with some difficulty, millet, rice, and beans. Although the Marka are independent from the Bambara their styles show a strong Bambara influence. The Marka are mostly famous for their masks and puppets. Their masks are often partly covered with metal sheeting. The Marka dress the masks in gaily-colored costumes made of cloth. The masks were used in two rituals, during the circumcision ceremony of adolescents, and when circumcised men advanced from one grade to another. Along the Niger River the Marka use the masks in ceremonies related to fishing and farming. The specific function of this mask during ceremonies is not clear. Material: wood Size: 19" x 7" x 7"	Ceremonial mask. Marka masks are often partly covered with metal sheeting. The Marka dress the masks in gaily-colored costumes made of cloth. The masks were used in two rituals, during the circumcision ceremony of adolescents, and when circumcised men advanced from one grade to another. Along the Niger River the Marka use the masks in ceremonies related to fishing and farming. The specific function of this mask during ceremonies is not clear. Material: wood, metal cotton tread tassles. Size:12" x 5" x 3"	N’tomo ceremonial mask. Among the Marka who live across the Mali border in Burkina Faso these masks, without the candelabra of horns, are worn by the N’domo society members at the circumcision ceremony of adolescents and as men advance from one grade to another. Various grades of membership are based on age. The face, sheathed in metal, is long like the nose of the antelope, two horns rise from the hairline. Narrow vertical rods of metal hang across the eyes; they end in small tassels of red cotton threads. Material: wood, bronze metal, red cotton thread tassles Size: 30" x 10" x 7"	*Ntomo* Janus-type ceremonial mask. The 400,000 Marka live principally from agriculture with some subsidiary cattle. The Marka are famous for their masks and puppets. Similar to Bambara's Ntomo society masks, Marka masks are often carved with horns, comb or crest on top of the head. The image of antelope head is a very often used motif in the Marka masks, as according to their mythology, it taught men how to farm. The masks of this type were used in two rituals, during the circumcision ceremony of adolescents, and when circumcised men advanced from one grade to another. Along the Niger River the Marka use the masks in ceremonies related to fishing and farming. The Marka dress their masks in gaily-colored costumes made of cloth; they often appear in pair, to represent man’s courting of woman. This unusual Janus-type mask may be considered rare. cotton tassels has been used by the Marka. Material: wood, beads, cowries, cotton tassels Size: 17" x 13" x 6"
MASAI (MAASAI, MASSAI) Kenya and Tanzania The 350,000 Masai living mainly in Kenya and Tanzania are nomadic herdsmen. For them notions of wealth and prestige are intimately linked with the size of animal herds. Among the Masai, cattle are believed to be a gift from God. The Masai have a deep disregard for any agricultural activity, seeing the earth as dirty. Consequently, they do not bury their dead in the earth; they build their houses from cow dung, not clay from the earth like many African agrarian peoples. They are known for their courage and magnificent physiques; young Masai warriors, armed only with a shield and spear, are required to slay a lion. The Masai have long maintained an enmity for the Kukuyu and other Bantu tribes of the region. For the Masai notions of wealth and prestige are intimately linked with the size of animal herds. Cattle are believed to be a gift from God. The Masai have a deep disregard for any agricultural activity, seeing the earth as dirty. Consequently, they do not bury their dead in the earth; they build their houses from cow dung, not clay from the earth like many African agrarian peoples. There are no specialized artists among the Masai. Individuals produce items of adornment and utilitarian objects according to need. There is a division of labor along gender line. Women are responsible for beadwork, making necklaces and earrings, decorating gourds, men create the elaborate coiffures worn by young warriors and carve their own personal objects, including headrests, walking canes, and leather shields decorated with polychrome decorations.
Spear. The Masai are a tall, well-built, slender nomadic people. They keep cattle, sheep and goats, donkeys and dogs, and the cattle cult is a feature of their culture. The system of initiation and age grades is the basic characteristic of Masai social life and has produced a most effective military organization. The boys enter an age-group at circumcision and from then on count among the twelve- to sixteen-year-old, who, with others, are bound to take part in fighting. After the feast that closes the circumcision rites the boys are given a spear, a shield and a sword and are sent into the bush where they practice hunting and learn the elements of a warrior’s life. After several years of training they become warriors responsible for protecting the large herds of cattle from thieves and wild beasts. They also form the combat force if there is a war. Material: wood, metal (???) Size:	Spear with a removable top. Origin unknown Materials: wood, metal Size: 34" x 2"		Fighter club. The Masai are nomadic. They are a tall, well-built, slender people. The heads of the women are shaved, as are the heads of married and of uninitiated men. The Masai keep cattle, sheep and goats, donkeys and dogs, and the cattle cult is a feature of their culture. The system of initiation and age grades is the basic feature of Masai social life and has produced a most effective military organization. The tribe is divided into young men or boys and groups of initiated men who pass through successive stages as warriors and elders, differentiated by duties, privileges and details of costume. The center of political gravity is with the warrior class and there are no chiefs. Their weapons are spears, clubs and a peculiar sword. This perfectly made and balanced club presents a very good example of the Masai weapon. Material: wood Length: 22" x 2" x 2"	Fighter club. The Masai are nomadic. They are a tall, well-built, slender people. The heads of the women are shaved, as are the heads of married and of uninitiated men. The Masai keep cattle, sheep and goats, donkeys and dogs, and the cattle cult is a feature of their culture. The system of initiation and age grades is the basic feature of Masai social life and has produced a most effective military organization. The tribe is divided into young men or boys and groups of initiated men who pass through successive stages as warriors and elders, differentiated by duties, privileges and details of costume. The center of political gravity is with the warrior class and there are no chiefs. Their weapons are spears, clubs and a peculiar sword. This perfectly made and balanced club presents a very good example of the Masai weapon. Material: wood Length:
		8" x 6" x 4"
MENDE Sierra Leone and Liberia The 2,000,000 Mende comprise numerous kinds of social structure, such as firmly marked kin groups, political hierarchies and societies for diverse purposes: training boys and girls in appropriate behavior, protection against enemies or curing illnesses. The Mende are farmers who grow rice, yams, peanuts, and cocoa and who collect palm oil. They practice crop rotation to avoid exhausting the soil. Most bodily ills are believed to result from transgressions against the rules of conduct laid down by one sodality to another. The Mende are best known for smooth, black, helmet-shaped masks, named sowei, used by the sande society, in particular, during the initiating girls. The initiates learn wisdom, beauty, grace, and self-control, all of which they will need within the multigenerational, polygamous households of their future husbands. All Mende girls join the sande society at puberty. Representing female water spirits, the masks have an idealized female face whose aesthetic reflects religious and philosophical ideals. The design of the facial features conforms to strict conventions and has symbolic content. These masks are characterized by the shiny skin, the rings at the neck and the elaborate hair styling that suggest good health and a well-to-do social condition. The characteristic rings at the base of the masks can be explained as the concentric ripples created as the spirit emerges from the water. On the other hand, they are also believed to represent folds of fat, considered a sign of beauty, fertility, vitality, and health. The coiffures, on the other hand, display a great range of variations, which reflect changing fashions and thus may facilitate the dating and localization of the masks. These helmets were carved from the full trunk of a large tree. Sowei appears in public during the time when young girls are initiated into adulthood. It may also emerge at the crowning of or during the funeral ceremonies of a paramount chief. The masks are carved by men, but danced by women. This is unusual in Africa, since men usually wear masks that conceal the face. They were worn over the head with the rim resting on the shoulders. There are helmets with one, two, or four faces. Because the mask is "found" beside a stream deep in the forest, where the sande spirit is said to live, and is supposed not to be an artifact at all, the carver in this case is anonymous. The dancer takes care that her costume contain no opening other than a narrow slit for the eyes, not to come into contact with the spirit, which she imagines as possessing a fearful, all-consuming power. Members of the corresponding male society, poro, also wear masks, although they are of differing form. The women's *yasse, a divination and healing society, employs slender human figures called minsere.* Large ugly gongoli masks are used entirely for entertainment. Fecundity fetishes are also known.** For generations, farmers in Sierra Leone and adjoining portions of Guinea and Liberia have unearthed small figures carved of soapstone and other types of rock. The imagery and the style of these sculptures are quite varied, especially among those found in the lands now inhabited by the Kissi and Kono people. In lands now owned by the Mende people, farmers place excavated stone figures or freestanding heads in their rice fields or palm groves. Regarded as the representatives of previous owners of the land, the objects are given offerings and asked to bring abundant harvests. The Mende call these stone images nomoli (plural: nomolosia) -- “found spirit.”
Material: wood Size: 16" x 8" x 5"	Sowei (Bundu) helmet mask. The 2,000,000 Mende comprise numerous kinds of social structure, such as firmly marked kin groups, political hierarchies and societies for diverse purposes: training boys and girls in appropriate behavior, protection against enemies or curing illnesses. The Mende are farmers who grow rice, yams, peanuts, and cocoa and who collect palm oil. The Mende are best known for black, helmet-shaped masks, named sowei or bundu used by the sande society, in particular, during the initiating girls. The initiates learn wisdom, beauty, grace, and self-control, all of which they will need within the multigenerational, polygamous households of their future husbands. All Mende girls join the sande society at puberty. Representing female water spirits, the masks have an idealized female face whose aesthetic reflects religious and philosophical ideals. The design of the facial features conforms to strict conventions and has symbolic content. The neck rings which are a significant characteristic of all sovei masks must not be regarded as representing obesity but as placing a plastic emphasis on the fine lines of the neck which is highly esteemed and regarded as being beautiful. The masks are carved by men, but danced by women. This is unusual in Africa, since men usually wear masks that conceal the face. These masks were worn over the head. Material: wood Size: 22" x 14" x 15"
MITSOGHO TSOGO (APINDJI, ASHOGO, MITSOGHO, SHOGO) Gabon The Tsogo are a small population of central Gabon and live in a high valley of the Ngounie River, a mountainous and forest covered terrain. A region criss-crossed with rivers, and cut with many deep-sided valleys and difficulty accessible ridges, Tsogo country is also known for its humidity and its tenacious mists in the dry season. Counting some 13,000 to 15,000 individuals, the Tsogo live in autonomous village communities, and practice a rudimentary slash-and-burn agriculture which they supplement with hunting and fishing as well. According to oral tradition, linguistic cross-referencing and noted cultural concordances, the Tsogo are said to have come long ago from the eastern regions of Gabon. The Tsogo are organized into six exogamous and matrilineal clans. Each individual is involved within a very complex socio-religious system comprised of a whole series of traditional initiatory societies. These societies, separate for males and females, concern themselves with the education of the young, as well as activities dealing with politics, social affairs, the law, religion, medicine and artistic pursuits. Each of these societies, more or less secret in character, controls a particular aspect of traditional knowledge, the transmission of which was, and remains, very confidential. The Tsogo’s seven initiatory societies develop their activities in ongoing interrelationship. The foremost among them is the bwete. The women participate in the rites of boo (charged with enforcing public order and respect for customs) and omboudi (a possession cult of divinatory nature).
Ceremonial mask. Counting some 13,000 to 15,000 individuals, the Tsogo live in autonomous village communities, and practice a rudimentary slash-and-burn agriculture which they supplement with hunting and fishing as well. The Tsogo are organized into six exogamous and matrilineal clans. Each individual is involved within a very complex socio-religious system comprised of a whole series of traditional initiatory societies. These societies, separate for males and females, concern themselves with the education of the young, as well as activities dealing with politics, social affairs, the law, religion, medicine and artistic pursuits. The Tsogo masks were covered in white pigments and were carved with an open mouth, a small triangular nose, and typical slanted eyes set under M-shaped brows. The masks are worn during funeral ceremonies. Material: wood Size: 13" x 10" x 10"
MONTOL Nigeria The Montol people live on the right bank of the Benue River and are known for their small figures with splayed legs and hands. Members of the Komtin male secret society employ these ancestor representations in divination and curative ceremonies. Material: wood Siza: 13" x 7" x 3"
MOSSI (MOLE, MOOSE, MOSI) Burkina Faso The first Mossi Empire was founded by invaders from northern Ghana. Today, the Mossi are the largest tribe living in Burkina Faso. They number 2,2 to 3,5 million and are the only ethnic group of Inland West Africa to have a centralized governing body, in addition to clans and professional corporations led by elders known as zaksoba. They are an ethnically diverse people divided into two social groups. Political power resides in nakomze, whose ancestors invaded the region in 15th century and subjected the various autochthonous groups living there. From these arose the tengabisi, a heterogeneous population whose kinship groups have provided the religious leaders of the Mossi to this day. On the north, one encounters a region of Sahelian desert steppes, then further south a zone of tree-field savannas, which gives way to forestland in the deep south. The greater part of the population lives off agriculture and cattle breeding. They grow millet, sorghum, maize, sesame, peanuts, and indigo. Cotton, introduced by the French during the occupation, is also cultivated over large stretches of land. Since the beginning of the century, the family has not been regarded as part of a community, since custom required that, immediately after circumcision, the eldest son leave to live independently from his father. Similarly, the young wife had no status whatsoever until the birth of her first child, which gave her the right to visit her parents. She did not raise her children, who were entrusted to older wives. On the other hand, at the death of a farther, the son would receive the wives and fields of his father. The blacksmiths-sculptors formed a separate caste and lived in separate quarters; they married exclusively within the caste. They were feared by their neighbors and participated actively in rituals. They made jewelry, metal and wood sculpture, statues, and masks. Brass figures and wooden ancestor figures are controlled by the Mossi ruling elite. Maintaining good relations with the ancestors and a variety of supernatural forces is a major concern of Mossi ritual and motivates art production in the region. Figures are used by the ruling class to validate political power, and masks are used by the conquered peoples to honor the spirits of the wilderness and control the forces of nature. The aristocracy used statues, even though it had adopted Islam in the seventeenth century. For the most part female, linked to the power of the chiefs, these figures commemorated ancestors and were kept inside the hut of the oldest of the wives. They appeared only at the funeral of the sovereign and at the time of the annual sacrifice when the first fruit of the harvest would be offered. Lineages and clans of the indigenous *tengabisi* inhabitants own the masks, and only the large group of farmers and the group of smiths employ a variety of masks. Mossi sculptors are mostly famous for their polychrome masks. The farmers, “children of the earth” and descendants of the autochthones, still use huge masks; formerly, these masks were regarded as the seat of the spirit, but they might also represent the totemic animal of the clan. Each family would refer to an appropriate myth explaining the mask’s origin: generally, it was most often a catastrophe that had brought a sacred animal, or even a god, to make a gift of a mask to an ancestor, the power of mask allowing the restoration of order within the clan; then, too, at the ancestor’s death the mask would become the material structure of his soul. These masks made their appearance several times during the course of the year: they would escort the dead, thus helping them to join the world beyond. They preside over the sacrifices offered at the beginning of the rainy season, which were to insure the community a good millet crop and harvest of wild fruits. They “supervised,” before the first harvest, the deference given to planted seeds corresponding to a period of famine. Between “appearances,” the masks remained on the family shrine, where they received prayers and sacrifices for those members of the family who were in need, and they aided communication with the ancestors. The mask types evince regional differences. The blacksmiths also used to sculpt figures called biiga, often covered in leather and decorated with cowrie shells and beads. The function of these wooden “dolls” goes well beyond game-playing. As an educational toy, the biiga was dressed, washed, and carried on the back or placed on the ground under the mother’s eyes. The biiga has a complex symbolism that, at first glance, seems contradictory: for the little girl it is, at one and the same time, the power that will cause her to have a child and the baby she is learning to care for. The biiga passes from mother to daughter or from sister to sister. Biiga have cylindrical bases; arms and legs are missing, but the pendulous breasts, symbol of motherhood, are accentuated.
*Headdress zazaigo* mask .** The Mossi numbering 3,000.000 is the largest tribe living in Burkina Faso. They are sedentary Sahel farmers living in mud huts with straw roofs, and have retained animist cult and rituals. They keep the most ancient cultural traditions. The Mossi make both political art and spiritual art. Figures are used by the ruling class to validate political power, and masks are used by the conquered peoples to control the forces of nature. This mask belongs to the group of masks characterized by a range of animal depictions including antelopes, ducks, roosters. The zazaigo masks represent totem animals, which confronted the group’s ancestors in the bush. These masks are used at funerals, but also for entertainment. Material: wood Size: 15" x 7" x 7"	*Headdress antelope zazaigo* mask .** The 3 million Mossi exceed a third of the whole population of Burkina Faso. They are sedentary farmers living in mud huts with straw roofs, and have retained animist cult and rituals. They keep the most ancient cultural traditions. The Mossi make both political art and spiritual art. Figures are used by the ruling class to validate political power, and masks are used by the conquered peoples to control the forces of nature. This mask belongs to the group of masks characterized by a range of animal depictions including antelopes, ducks, roosters. The zazaigo masks represent totem animals, which confronted the group’s ancestors in the bush. These masks are used at funerals, but also for entertainment. Material: wood Size: 13" x 7" x 7"	Biiga fertility doll. The Mossi represent a third of the population of Burkina Faso, or the “land of upright and honest people.” The blacksmiths-sculptors formed a separate caste and lived in separate quarters; they married exclusively within the caste. The function of the biiga goes well beyond game-playing. As an educational toy, the biiga was dressed, washed, and carried on the back or placed on the ground under the mother’s eyes. The function of the biiga becomes more serious as a girl attains womanhood. It is hoped that the doll will encourage an early pregnancy and a vigorous baby. After a successful birth, the doll is kept for the female child. The biiga has a complex symbolism that, at first glance, seems contradictory; for the little girl it is, at one and the same time, the power that will cause her to have a child and the baby she is learning to care of. According to J. - B. Bacquart, such dolls were given to newly circumcised girls. Material wood Size: 19" x 4" x 2"	Karanga mask. The Mossi are farmers and herdsmen. They are unique in Burkina Faso for their centralized and hierarchical political system, in addition to clans and professional corporations led by elders. At the apex of the political system is the Moro Naba, or Emperor of the Mossi, whose palace is in Ouagadougou. The rulers use wooden figures to validate political power, while the commoners use masks to honor the spirits of the wilderness. The masks embody spirit powers, nature spirits of the sort found among many farming peoples. In some regions masks are housed within ancestral shrines during periods when they are not being danced, to be augmented by ancestral powers that control the earth and productivity, all in the well-being of the people and their natural environment. The karanga masks appear during funeral occasions to accompany the dead to their tombs, at agricultural rites, and other important community events. Their task is also to protect wild plants, whose use is collectively regulated. Material: wood Size:

Doll. The doll is a popular subject of carving among the Mossi of Burkina Faso. One of the doll’s functions is to train little girls for their future roles as mothers, another function is magic. The toys are fed, washed, and dressed in bits of cloth and carried about on small backs just like the babies that are bundled on the backs of their mothers. A downward extension from the forehead has been interpreted both as an elephant’s trunk and a phallus. Another interpretation is that this extension represents the hairdo typical of unmarried Mossi girls. The wooden dolls are made in the blacksmiths’ compound by smiths in their spare time. Material: wood Size: 12" x 3" x 2"	*Karanga mask.* The Mossi number about 3 million and are the largest ethnic group living in Burkina Faso. They are farmers and herdsmen. They are unique in Burkina Faso for their centralized and hierarchical political system, in addition to clans and professional corporations led by elders. At the apex of the political system is the Moro Naba, or Emperor of the Mossi, whose palace is in Ouagadougou. The rulers use wooden figures to validate political power, while the commoners use masks to honor the spirits of the wilderness. The Mossi are closely associated with totemic animals: the relationship that men and animals hold is of reciprocal dependence and the disgrace or prosperity of one group is reflected also on the other. The karanga masks representing spirits appear during funeral occasions to accompany the dead to their tombs or, placed on familial altars, they are an instrument of communication with the dead. Their task is also to protect wild plants, whose use is collectively regulated. Material: wood Size: 45" x 7" x 5"	Mossi sculptors are mostly famous for their polychrome masks. Formerly, these masks were regarded as the seat of the spirit, but they might also represent the totemic animal of the clan. Each family would refer to an appropriate myth explaining the mask’s origin: generally, it was most often a catastrophe that had brought a sacred animal, or even a god, to make a gift of a mask to an ancestor, the power of mask allowing the restoration of order within the clan; then, too, at the ancestor’s death the mask would become the material structure of his soul. These masks made their appearance several times during the course of the year: they would escort the dead, thus helping them to join the world beyond. They preside over the sacrifices offered at the beginning of the rainy season, which were to insure the community a good millet crop and harvest of wild fruits. They “supervised,” before the first harvest, the deference given to planted seeds corresponding to a period of famine. Between “appearances,” the masks remained on the family shrine, where they received prayers and sacrifices for those members of the family who were in need, and they aided communication with the ancestors. The mask types evince regional differences. Material: Wood Size: 50" x 9" x 6"
MUMUYE (MUMOYE) Nigeria and Cameroon The Mumuye mostly live in northeastern Nigeria between the cities of Jalingo and Zinna, in a region that is bounded by the bend of the Benue River and the Cameroon border. Estimated to number 70,000 to 400,000 they cultivate sorghum, millet, and yams. Socially they are divided into small family groups called dola, which are headed by a council of elders with an elected leader. Due to the difficulty of access to their land of rocky hills and savannas, the Mumuye remained in near total isolation until 1959. Mumuye artists are famous for their wooden statues known as iagalagana. The Mumuye statuary was discovered in 1968. With no royal system, the Mumuye are organized by age classes and choose a village chief who is assisted by a council of elders. The vabong secret society regulates Mumuye religious life. Entry into the society is achieved through initiation ceremonies. The initiation of boys begins at the age of ten and takes place in a tsafi hut, where the statues are kept. Even though the Mumuye show great respect for the sculls of the ancestors, their statuary does not depict ancestors, but rather incarnates tutelary spirits. Yet, statues reinforce the status and prestige of their owner who, as he holds them in his hands, has a dialogue with them and thus ensures his personal protection. The functions of sculptural figures are varied. They were used by both diviners and healers, whose professions included diagnosis and cure of ill health and other kinds of misfortunes. The figures were used to greet rainmaker's clients, guard the house, serve as owner's confidant and in trials when men in dispute swear on the statue, which they must kiss. Elders used them to reinforce their status in society. It was not unusual for a figure simultaneously to serve two or more functions. The size of statues varies from 20 centimeters to 1.6 meters. Mumuye figures are highly abstracted, perhaps in part because they invoke forms of human and supernatural authority. The statue may have added elements: beads, belts, bracelets, chains, leather laces, ropes or braided vegetable matter, brass wires, or cowrie shells. The statues’ principal characteristic, unique in African art, is the openwork between the body and the arms, which forms a scroll or a spiral around the slender, cylindrical bust. The legs are usually angular, and ribbon-like arms wrap around the torso with elbows clearly marked. The heads may display a coiffure in the form of a crest. Scarification on face and body is delineated and nasal septum may be perforated for the insertion of a short section of a stalk of Guinea corn. A number of such sculptures have large ears with pierced and distended earlobes for the insertion of plugs. The Mumuye distinguish the gender of the figures on the basis of the shape of the ears; only Mumuye women distend their earlobes. This may be the only clue to determining the gender of a figure. There were animal vabo masks – buffalo, monkey, elephant, leopard, and so on and also female masks. The masks would dance at the time of sowing, harvesting, funerals, or other important events. Vabo masquerades punish antisocial behavior and chase away criminals, and individual names given to each male vabo mask underscore their aggressive qualities. They also intervene in initiation rites. Priests, whose duties were hereditary, kept the masks in the sanctuary.
Male and female statues incarnating the tutelary spirit. Estimated 70,000 to 400,000 Mumuye live in northeastern Nigeria, on the left bank of the Benue River. They cultivate sorghum, millet, and yams. Due to the difficulty of access to their lands of rocky hills and savannas, the Mumuye remained in near total isolation until the end of 1950^th. Few were known about them before the 1960s. Mumuye artists are famous for their unusual wooden statues discovered only in 1968. These figures always display elongated body features. Even though the Mumuye show great respect for the ancestors, their statuary does not depict ancestors but rather incarnates tutelary spirits. These statues were used by both diviners and healers, whose professions included diagnosis and cure of ill health and other kinds of misfortune. The figures were used to greet rainmaker’s clients, guard the house, and serve as the owner’s confidant. They are also used in trials when men in dispute swear on the statue, which they must kiss. Elders used them to reinforce their status in society. It was not unusual for a figure simultaneously to serve two or more functions. The Mumuye distinguish the gender of the figures on the basis of the shape of the ears; only Mumuye women distend their earlobes. This may be the only clue to determining the gender of a figure. Material: wood on metal stand Size: 33" x 3" x 4" each figure	Human Figure Material: wood Size: 25" x 6" x 4"
NAMJI (DOYAYO, DO AYO, DOWAYO, NAMCHI, NAMSHI) Cameroon Namji are the people inhabiting an area in the west of the north Cameroon. The Namji ethnic group is famous for their wooden dolls carved with geometric features and adorned with multi-colored bead necklaces, cowrie shells, coins, metal strips, fiber and leather. The dolls held by young Namji girls to play and to ensure their fertility, are considered among the finest and the most beautiful dolls in Africa. They are carved from solid hardwood. The doll would have a name, be fed, be talked to and be carried strapped to the back everywhere the child would go. The most popular place to carry ones' doll is strapped to the back the way real infants are toted around. This was the young girls' first baby. This was her responsibility. This doll helped prepare the young Namji woman for her role as mother in her future life. Though most of them represent females, they sometimes appear as couples.
Doll. Namji are the people inhabiting an area in the west of the north Cameroon. They are famous for their wooden dolls carved with geometric features and adorned with multi-colored bead necklaces, sometimes with shells, coins, metal elements, and other materials. Generally, the dolls held by young Namji women to play and to ensure their fertility, are considered among the finest and the most beautiful dolls in Africa. The doll would have a name, be fed, be talked to and be carried strapped to the back everywhere the child would go. These dolls help prepare the young Namji women for their role as mothers in their future life. Material: wood, beads, shells Size:	Doll. Namji are the people inhabiting an area in the west of the north Cameroon. They are famous for their wooden dolls carved with geometric features and adorned with multi-colored bead necklaces, sometimes with shells, coins, metal elements, and other materials. Generally, the dolls held by young Namji women to play and to ensure their fertility, are considered among the finest and the most beautiful dolls in Africa. The doll would have a name, be fed, be talked to and be carried strapped to the back everywhere the child would go. These dolls help prepare the young Namji women for their role as mothers in their future life. Material: wood, beads, shells Size: 14" x 5" x 2"	Doll. Namji are the people inhabiting an area in the west of the north Cameroon. They are famous for their wooden dolls carved with geometric features and adorned with multi-colored bead necklaces, sometimes with shells, coins, metal elements, and other materials. Generally, the dolls held by young Namji women to play and to ensure their fertility, are considered among the finest and the most beautiful dolls in Africa. The doll would have a name, be fed, be talked to and be carried strapped to the back everywhere the child would go. These dolls help prepare the young Namji women for their role as mothers in their future life. Material: wood, beads, shells Size: 35" x 4" x 9"
NUPE

NGBAKA (BOUAKA, BWAKA, GBAKA, MBAKA, NBAKA, NGBWAKA) Democratic Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic The Ngbaka numbering 400,000 to 1,000,000 are situated mostly south of the Ubangi River, in northern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Their settlements were dispersed and lack of overall political organization; a hamlet would generally be made up of an extended family or patrilineal clan. They practiced slash-and-burn agriculture growing manioc, maize, sorghum and bananas and lived off fishing and hunting. They also raise chickens and goats for eggs and milk. The Ngbaka had a system of initiation named gaza or ganza: “that which gives strength.” Future initiates had to undergo trials of physical endurance and would attain a first level of knowledge by means of song and corporeal techniques, particularly choreographic turns. In the rites of passage, re-creations of ancestors played an important role. Circumcision and excision took place after several months spent outside the village. Large slit drums are common, the end of which depict buffaloes and antelopes. Artistic products include figures, masks, pipes, necklaces, sticks, musical instruments, and zoomorphic statuettes used in the hunt. Grooves striate the nose, forehead and the temples. The Ngbaka men used this kind of scarification marks. Large figures and masks feature in the Ngbaka initiation ceremonies. Ngbaka masks, known as dagara, are worn during and after ceremonies associated with the gaza initiation and the circumcision of young men. They are oval and often have a concave face with an elongated triangular nose with scarification on the nose and forehead. Ngbaka figures are often found in pairs and can be as tall as 40”. They are believed to represent their two primordial ancestors and are placed on altars in houses where they fulfill a protective role. Small anthropomorphic or zoomorphic fetishes covered in red pigment are believed to bring good fortune. Ngbaka dignitaries smoked anthropomorphic pipes, often covered with copper wire, and cephalomorphic harps were carved to accompany singers. The specific meaning and function of Ngbaka masks appears to vary depending on the group and its particular initiatory practice.
*Initiation dagara* mask.** The Ngbaka live in the area between the Ubangi and the Middle Lualaba Rivers in northwest DRC. They practice primitive agriculture, hunting and fishing, activities always preceded by a sacrifice to the ancestors. The Ngbaka had a system of initiation named gaza or ganza: “that which gives strength.” Future initiates had to undergo trials of physical endurance and would attain a first level of knowledge by means of song and corporeal techniques, particularly choreographic turns. In the rites of passage, re-creations of ancestors played an important role. Circumcision and excision took place after several months spent outside the village. Ngbaka masks, known as dagara, are worn during and after ceremonies associated with the initiation and circumcision of young men. Material: wood Size: 2" x 9" x 5" 2" x 9" x 5"	*Protecting Nabo* statue.** The Ngbaka, who live in the north of the DRC, once venerated a mythological hero called Seto and his sister-spouse, Nabo. Seto supposedly saved the first human beings from death and perpetuated the human species. Nabo was more directly concerned with childhood diseases, which she could heal by driving out the evel spirits causing the illness. To obtain her help, a healer was consulted. He executed or had a sculptor execute a statuette representing Nabo, applied a special powder to the part of the figurine corresponding to the area of the body that was diseased, then placed the figure at the foot of the ancestors’ altar, which also included the representation of Seto. These two statuettes preserved the family from a wide range of misfortunes, protected crops, brought about successful hunt and preserved stillbirths. Material: wood Size: 11" x 3" x 4"
NTOMBA (NGATA, LONTOMBA, NTOMBA-BOLIA) Democratic Republic of the Congo The 5,000 Ntomba live on the banks of the Lualaba River. Historically, the Ntomba had an appointed leader, but today they live in autonomous farming communities. Ntomba artists carved large anthropomorphic coffins, called Bondange, covered with painted decoration. They were commissioned by important dignitaries and contained the exhumed bones of the deceased. Later, the sarcophagus and the bones were consigned to the river. Ngata blacksmiths cast iron knives, which are used for executions. They produce also figures, although their function is unknown.
Ceremonial figure-vessel. The 5,000 Ntomba live on the banks of the Lualaba River. They practice slash-and-burn agriculture and live off hunting and fishing, activities always preceded by a sacrifice to the ancestors. Historically, the Ntomba had an appointed leader, but today they live in autonomous farming communities. Owing to their close contact with neighboring tribes, their culture and their stylistic output overlap. The Ntomba artists are mostly known as creators of large anthropomorphic sarcophagi. The functions of these figure-vessels are unknown. Material: wood Size:25" x 8" x 8"	Ceremonial figure-vessel. The 5,000 Ntomba live on the banks of the Lualaba River. They practice slash-and-burn agriculture and live off hunting and fishing, activities always preceded by a sacrifice to the ancestors. Historically, the Ntomba had an appointed leader, but today they live in autonomous farming communities. Owing to their close contact with neighboring tribes, their culture and their stylistic output overlap. The Ntomba artists are mostly known as creators of large anthropomorphic sarcophagi. The functions of these figure-vessels are unknown. Material: wood Size:25" x 8" x 8"
NUNUMA NUNA (NOUROUMA, NUNI, NURUMA) Burkina Faso The Nuna are one of several people called “Gurunsi”; the others are the Winiama, the Lela, the Sisala, and others who live in Burkina Faso and Ghana. The Nuna are estimated at 100,000 people. They live in village communities in which a large number of dwellings are clustered close together, with the village surrounded by farm fields. The Nuna have no system of chiefs or other political leaders, although the French attempted to create such centralized power during the colonial period. Each community is instead organized by a council of the eldest representatives of each family who meet when need arises to make decisions on behalf of the community. The Nuna believe in a creator god named Yi. The Nuna communities are formed around the worship of natural spirits, which in turn establish religious laws that control the moral and ethical conduct of life in the communities. The masks represent the spirits of the wilderness. The Nuna make masks in the shape of poles colored red, black, and white, or in the form of animals who often differ only in the shape of their horns and ears: buffalo, crocodiles, antelopes, warthogs, hyenas, and serpents. The eyes protrude, surrounded by concentric circles, with a rather short snout on the animal masks, and a large and protuberant mouth on the more abstract masks. Decorated with geometric motifs, the masks are repainted every year; they are found throughout the region. The wearer of the mask may be invisible underneath the fiber skirt and must behave as the animal does, imitating its gait. When rituals are properly executed, the community receives fertility and prosperity. The property of an individual, a mask will, upon the owner’s death, be given to his son or kept in the hut of the ancestors of the lineage. The mask’s role is important during ceremonies at the end of initiation, at the funeral of notables, and as entertainment on certain market days. There are also large figures used by diviners to represent a spirit from the wilderness with which the diviner could communicate and whose supernatural power he could control for the benefit of his clients. These figures are kept together with non-figurative objects, including jars, bottles and stones in dark corners of the diviner’s home where they become covered with a thick crust of offering material, especially millet porridge, beer and chicken blood. The figures serve the same function as the spectacular masks from the same people; they make the invisible nature spirits concrete and permit the congregation to offer their prayers and offerings.
Antelope Mask. The Nuna are one of several people called “Gurunsi”. The Nuna, estimated at 100,000 people, believe in a creator god named Yi. The Nuna communities are formed around the worship of natural spirits. Nuna are primarily sedentary farmers, growing millet, sorghum, and yams. Maize, rice, peanuts, and beans are grown in addition to these staples. Farmers throughout the region practice slash and burn farming. The Nuna masks represent the spirits of the wilderness. The Nuna make masks in the shape of poles colored red, black, and white, or in the form of animals: buffalo, crocodiles, antelopes, warthogs, hyenas, and serpents. The eyes protrude, surrounded by concentric circles. Decorated with geometric motifs, the masks are repainted every year. The wearer of the mask may be invisible underneath the fiber skirt and must behave as the animal does, imitating its gait. When rituals are properly executed, the community receives fertility and prosperity. The mask’s role is important during ceremonies at the end of initiation, at the funeral of notables, and as entertainment on certain market days. Material: wood Size: 22" x 9" x 3"
NYAMWEZI (BANYAMWEZI, NYAMEZI, NYAMWESI, WANJAMWEZI, WANYAMWEZI) Tanzania The 500,000 Nyamwezi people, whose name means either "Men of the West" or "Men of the Moon", are the largest ethnic agrarian group in north-central Tanzania. Socially, they are organized into villages, which correspond to small chiefdoms, and each chief is responsible for the material wealth of the village, while the spiritual welfare is governed by the village sorcerer. Ancestors and chiefs have been of considerable importance in the belief system and socio-political structure of the Nyamwezi, and consequently most of their art relates to these themes: theirs is one of the richest art traditions in Tanzania. The Nyamwezi produced chief’s thrones with a human figure carved in relief on the high back. Nyamwezi carvers are also famous for their figures that are usually carved out of a dark, heavy wood with a shiny surface. They tend to have strongly elongated features, and the eyes inset with circular colored bids. Such elongated figures with distorted limbs were used in water divination ceremonies. Since the 1950s the slim figures were displayed by Nyamwezi dance troupes to enhance the visual impact of their performances.
Dance Puppet. The people known as Nyamwezi are a large, loosely connected agrarian group. It was on the coast that they were given the name ‘Nyamwezi’, meaning ‘people of the west’ (sometimes translated as ‘people of the moon’). Because of the extensive size and ethnic diversity of Nyamwezi the art from this area shows considerable variation in style. Ancestors and chiefs have been of considerable importance in the belief system and socio-political structure of the Nyamwezi, and consequently most of their art relates to these themes: theirs is one of the richest traditions in Tanzania. This figure is a dance puppet used in performances during various festivals. Material: wood, beads, leather, bark Size: 31" x 5" x 3"	Ceremonial figure. The 500,000 Nyamwezi people, whose name means ‘Men of the West’ or ‘Men of the Moon’, are the largest ethnic group in central Tanzania. Socially, they are organized into villages, which correspond to small chiefdoms and each chief is responsible for the material wealth of the village, while the spiritual welfare is governed by the village sorcerer. The cult of ancestors, which protects each family, and also the chiefs have been of considerable importance in the belief system and socio-political structure of the Nyamwezi, and consequently most of their art relates to these themes. Nyamwezi carvers are famous for their figures, which are usually carved out from a heavy wood with a shiny surface. They tend to have elongated features with the eyes inset with circular white beads. Such elongated figures with distorted limbs were used in water divination ceremonies. These slender elegant male and female figures are appreciated not only by collectors but also by interior designers. These features are reminiscent of the Swiss artist Alberto Giacometti. Material: wood Size: 56" x 3" x 1"	Ceremonial figure. The 500,000 Nyamwezi people, whose name means ‘Men of the West’ or ‘Men of the Moon’, are the largest ethnic group in central Tanzania. Socially, they are organized into villages, which correspond to small chiefdoms and each chief is responsible for the material wealth of the village, while the spiritual welfare is governed by the village sorcerer. The cult of ancestors, which protects each family, and also the chiefs have been of considerable importance in the belief system and socio-political structure of the Nyamwezi, and consequently most of their art relates to these themes. Nyamwezi carvers are famous for their figures, which are usually carved out from a heavy wood with a shiny surface. They tend to have elongated features with the eyes inset with circular white beads. Such elongated figures with distorted limbs were used in water divination ceremonies. These slender elegant male and female figures are appreciated not only by collectors but also by interior designers. These features are reminiscent of the Swiss artist Alberto Giacometti. Material: wood Size: 59" x 3" x 1"	Ceremonial figure. The 500,000 Nyamwezi people, whose name means ‘Men of the West’ or ‘Men of the Moon’, are the largest ethnic group in central Tanzania. Socially, they are organized into villages, which correspond to small chiefdoms and each chief is responsible for the material wealth of the village, while the spiritual welfare is governed by the village sorcerer. The cult of ancestors, which protects each family, and also the chiefs have been of considerable importance in the belief system and socio-political structure of the Nyamwezi, and consequently most of their art relates to these themes. Nyamwezi carvers are famous for their figures, which are usually carved out from a heavy wood with a shiny surface. They tend to have elongated features with the eyes inset with circular white beads. Such elongated figures with distorted limbs were used in water divination ceremonies. These slender elegant male and female figures are appreciated not only by collectors but also by interior designers. These features are reminiscent of the Swiss artist Alberto Giacometti. Material: wood Size: 59" x 3" x 1"	Ceremonial figure. The 500,000 Nyamwezi people, whose name means ‘Men of the West’ or ‘Men of the Moon’, are the largest ethnic group in central Tanzania. Socially, they are organized into villages, which correspond to small chiefdoms and each chief is responsible for the material wealth of the village, while the spiritual welfare is governed by the village sorcerer. The cult of ancestors, which protects each family, and also the chiefs have been of considerable importance in the belief system and socio-political structure of the Nyamwezi, and consequently most of their art relates to these themes. Nyamwezi carvers are famous for their figures, which are usually carved out from a heavy wood with a shiny surface. They tend to have elongated features with the eyes inset with circular white beads. Such elongated figures with distorted limbs were used in water divination ceremonies. These slender elegant male and female figures are appreciated not only by collectors but also by interior designers. These features are reminiscent of the Swiss artist Alberto Giacometti. Material: wood Size: 60" x 3" x 1"
Nyamwezi (Banayamwezi, Nayamwesi, Wanjamwezi, Wanyamwezi), TanzaniaDance Puppet. The people known as Nyamwezi are a large, loosely connected agrarian group. It was on the coast that they were given the name ‘Nyamwezi’, meaning ‘people of the west’ (sometimes translated as ‘people of the moon’). Because of the extensive size and ethnic diversity of Nyamwezi the art from this area shows considerable variation in style. Ancestors and chiefs have been of considerable importance in the belief system and socio-political structure of the Nyamwezi, and consequently most of their art relates to these themes: theirs is one of the richest traditions in Tanzania. This figure is a dance puppet used in performances during various festivals. Material: wood Size: 39" x 8" x 5"	Nyamwezi (Banayamwezi, Nayamwesi, Wanjamwezi, Wanyamwezi), Tanzania Maternity figure. The people known as Nyamwezi are a large, a loosely connected agrarian group with shared cultural traits but diverse origins who live in north-central Tanzania. Their name means ‘Men of the West’ or ‘Men of the Moon’; numbering 500,000 they are one the largest ethnic groups in Tanzania. Socially, they are organized into villages, which correspond to small semi-autonomous chiefdoms and each chief is responsible for the material wealth of the village. The cult of ancestors, which protects each family, and also the chiefs have been of considerable importance in the belief system and socio-political structure of the Nyamwezi, and consequently most of their art relates to these themes. Like virtually all freestanding female sculptures of the Nyamwezi, with or without a child, this piece represents an ancestor. Material: wood Size: 27" x 7" x 8"	Nyamwezi (Banayamwezi, Nayamwesi, Wanjamwezi, Wanyamwezi), TanzaniaDance Puppet. The people known as Nyamwezi are a large, loosely connected agrarian group. It was on the coast that they were given the name ‘Nyamwezi’, meaning ‘people of the west’ (sometimes translated as ‘people of the moon’). Because of the extensive size and ethnic diversity of Nyamwezi the art from this area shows considerable variation in style. Ancestors and chiefs have been of considerable importance in the belief system and socio-political structure of the Nyamwezi, and consequently most of their art relates to these themes: theirs is one of the richest traditions in Tanzania. These figures are a pair of dance puppets used in performances during various festivals. Material: wood Size:
OGONI
	23" x 9" x 9"
PENDE (BAPENDE, PHENDE, PINDI, PINJI) Democratic Republic of the Congo The 250,000 to 500,000 Pende people settled in the region near the Loango and Kasai Rivers. They are governed by a central authority, but pay allegiance to family chiefs, known as Djigo. The tribe members are divided into numerous territorial groups, the two most important being in Kwilu and Kasai. The Pende political system is mainly controlled by lineage and marriage. There is no recognized central political power, and the chiefs that do exist do not exercise significant authority. The extended family seems to serve the needs of social control within individual communities. The Pende are a matrilineal people, and the eldest maternal uncle in a family is usually recognized as heading the lineage, a position that entails ensuring the well-being of the family and taking care of the ancestors. The Pende are mainly farmers who produce millet, maize, plantain, and peanuts. The women do the majority of the farm work and are wholly responsible for selling goods in the community markets. The men help with the clearing of the fields and also contribute to the diet with occasional hunting and fishing in the numerous local rivers. The ancestors (mvumbi) are placated through various rituals and offerings. The family head is responsible for taking care of the shrines and appeasing the spirits. The Pende recognize that spirits may be either good or bad, depending on the manner in which they died. Also, when ancestors are neglected they will cause bad things to happen to the family. The result may be sickness or hardship, both of which require a visit to the local diviner to determine the best way to appease the spirits. Blacksmiths enjoyed enormous prestige, vestiges of which are still alive today. Blacksmiths and chiefs are considered of equivalent social status. When one or the other visits a village, his arrival must be honored by a day of rest for the entire population. Even though the society is matrilinear, the sculptor’s profession is transmitted from father to son. The ancestors are honored most especially during the masked celebration held in sanctuaries in the chiefs’ huts or on the edge of the forest. A statue of the chief’s wife sometimes stands atop the roof; it symbolizes fertility and emphasizes the importance of women. Pende masks are among the most dramatic works of all African art. All told, about twenty characters and seven “masks of power” appear in ceremonies such as millet-planting celebration or circumcision and initiation ritual, and the ritual of enthronement of a chief. There are two styles: the western one of the Kwilu with its mbuya mask characterized by a somber, gloomy expression, and the Kasai style that is more geometric and colorful. The Kwilu Pende are especially well known for their masks that were originally used for circumcision ceremonies but later became accessories for a type of popular theater. Neck pendants carved by the Kwilu Pende as tiny replicas of masks must be placed among the most exquisite examples of African micro-sculpture. Generally made of ivory, but sometimes of wood, bone, metal, these pendants serve as protective amulets. Kasai masks are decorated with red and black triangles on a sienna background. The minganji, or masks of power, represent the ancestors; the mbuya, or village masks, represent human types, such as the chief, the diviner, the epileptic with a twisted mouth, the madman or man in a trance, the widow, the lover, or the executioner. Among the major works of eastern (Kasai) Pende are fairly large sculptures intended either to glorify the chief's house or to serve as protective doorposts. The Pende also make ritual or practical objects, such as chairs, stools, commanders' stuffs, flutes, horns, whistles, drums, weapon, adzes, cups, mortars, and divination instruments.
Mbuya Mask. The mbuya, or village masks, represent human types, such as the chief, the diviner, the madman or man in a trance, the widow, the lover, or the executioner. All told, about twenty characters and seven “masks of power” appear in ceremonies such as millet-planting celebration or circumcision and initiation ritual, and the ritual of enthronement of a chief. Although they represent roles in the secular society rather than spirits, they are used also to control supernatural forces. Worn by the celebrants at coming out parties of newly initiated young men who have just been circumcised, these masks represent revered mythological beings and ancestors such as chiefs and their wives, hunters, prophets and sages. Material: wood Size: 12" x 7" x 5"	Circumcision Mask. The Pende people form about sixty little territorial groups, the two most important being Kwilu and Kasai. Every group comprises several clans and each is headed by a chief whose main function is religious. He is a mediator with the ancestors who are the sources of health, fecundity and fertility of the people. The Pende are mainly farmers who produce millet, maize, plantain, and peanuts. The women do the majority of the farm work and are wholly responsible for selling goods in the community markets. The men help with the clearing of the fields and also contribute to the diet with occasional hunting and fishing in the numerous local rivers. The sculptor’s profession is transmitted from father to son. The presented mask is the most common type of circumcision mask: triangular human head surmounted by two appendages of knife-like type. The whole mask is pigmented red with white and black stripes that emphasize the carved planes of the mask. Material: wood, fiber Size: 19" x 8" x 3" + raffia	Mbuya Mask. The 500,000 Pende people are mainly farmers who produce millet, maize, plantain, and peanuts. The women do the majority of the farm work and are wholly responsible for selling goods in the community markets. The men help with the clearing of the fields and also contribute to the diet with occasional hunting and fishing in the numerous local rivers. The sculptor’s profession is transmitted from father to son. In dances of the Western Pende, a group of masks called mbuya are characterized by delicate features and fiber headdresses. Mbuya, or sculptured wooden masks in the form of human or animal faces, were worn with prescribed costumes by graduates of the Mukanda initiation school in their coming-out rites. These masks represented a great variety of village characters, including a clown, or “chief of the dance floor,” and those whose behavior was admired or disapproved. Although the performance was entertaining, it taught moral lessons and reinforced Pende religious and political principals. Material: wood, fiber, tissue Size: 14" x 8" x 5"	Pumbu Mask. The 500,000 Pende people form about sixty little kingdoms, each comprising several clans and each headed by a chief whose main function is religious. He is a mediator with the ancestors who are the sources of health, fecundity and fertility of the people. The Pende are mostly farmers. The sculptor’s profession is transmitted from father to son. This mask named pumbu a mfunu is attributed to the Kasai (eastern) subgroup of the Pende people. The mask is considered the most fearful and dangerous. It is used by only a few of the most powerful chiefs. The mask is formed as a halved cylinder. Two very large eyes project as tubes from the upper part of the face. The pumbu serves as a symbol of the power of the chief. Unlike most masks, it dances rarely – only in the event of special occasions determined by divination, such as a chief’s serious illness, or a regional epidemic or famine, indicating that ancestors may be unhappy. The pumbu represents the executive branch of the chief’s office, which must sometimes deal with war and execution. Material: wood Size: 45" x 20" x 10"(with rafia)	Drum or a Slit Gong in a form of a buffalo. A slit gong is wooden drum without a drumhead. Chiefs in areas of north central Congo took pride in ownership of such gongs. They are played with a long wooden stick Material: Wood 29" x 11" x 11"
Panya ngombe mask. This mask, known as panya ngombe represents a buffalo, symbol of authority and dignity. Characteristic of this type are a horizontally oriented form, protruding ears, and an ornament consisting of a motif of relief triangles. These masks formerly belonged to the insignia of important chiefs (mbuya jia ufumu). Clad in a royal garment and holding a machete, the masked dancers appeared only during the mukanda initiation of adolescent boys after their circumcision, to gather donations to cover the cost of the celebration that took place after the initiation period. After circumcision in the context of initiation was abandoned back in 1930s, similar masks are today still incorporated in the lintel of the door to the royal treasure house where royal masks and other regalia are kept. Material: wood Size: 14" x 17" x 3"	Panya ngombe mask. This mask, known as panya ngombe represents a buffalo, symbol of authority and dignity. Characteristic of this type are a horizontally oriented form, protruding ears, and an ornament consisting of a motif of relief triangles. These masks formerly belonged to the insignia of important chiefs (mbuya jia ufumu). Clad in a royal garment and holding a machete, the masked dancers appeared only during the mukanda initiation of adolescent boys after their circumcision, to gather donations to cover the cost of the celebration that took place after the initiation period. After circumcision in the context of initiation was abandoned back in 1930s, similar masks are today still incorporated in the lintel of the door to the royal treasure house where royal masks and other regalia are kept. Material: wood Size: 9" x 15" x 2"	Panya ngombe mask. This mask, known as panya ngombe represents a buffalo, symbol of authority and dignity. Characteristic of this type are a horizontally oriented form, protruding ears, and an ornament consisting of a motif of relief triangles. These masks formerly belonged to the insignia of important chiefs (mbuya jia ufumu). Clad in a royal garment and holding a machete, the masked dancers appeared only during the mukanda initiation of adolescent boys after their circumcision, to gather donations to cover the cost of the celebration that took place after the initiation period. After circumcision in the context of initiation was abandoned back in 1930s, similar masks are today still incorporated in the lintel of the door to the royal treasure house where royal masks and other regalia are kept. Reserved by Client (NV) Material: wood Size: 30" x 9" x 5"	Material: wicker, wood Size: 14" x 14" x 3"	Mbuya Mask - Mbuya, or sculptured wooden masks in the form of human or animal faces, were worn with prescribed costumes by graduates of the Mukanda initiation school in their coming-out rites. These masks represented a great variety of village characters, including a clown, or “chief of the dance floor,” and those whose behavior was admired or disapproved. Although the performance was entertaining, it taught moral lessons and reinforced Pende religious and political principals. This mask has unusually "naturalistic" eyes, reflecting artists' individual approach. Material: wood, fiber, tissue Size: 7" x 9" x 5" + raffia
PUNU Gabon The Punu reside on the left bank of the Upper Ngoume River (Gabon) and belong to the group of tribes known as Shira which were originally part of the Luango kingdom of Angola. With the Eshira, the Lumbo, the Vili, the Galoa, and the Vungu people, the Punu migrated northwards during the 18th century and settled in the area where they continue to inhabit to this day. They live in independent villages divided into clans and families, and social cohesion is ensured by a society known as moukouji. Its primary role is to regulate community life with regards to social and judicial matters, and mainly it applies itself to the neutralization of evil forces. To this end, officiates of moukoudji utilize a cult kit that includes statuettes, human relics and masks. Punu masks represent idealized female ancestors' faces. The white color of the mask is genderless; white is a symbol for peace, deities, spirits of the dead, and the afterlife. It is thus the predominating color in funeral celebrations and memorials. Therefore the masks were worn during funerals. They appeared also in the magical rites whose function was to unmask sorcerers. The masks have realistic, mostly white but sometimes black faces with protruding pursed lips, globular protruding eyes incised with a curve, high-domed foreheads, and characteristic rigid high coiffures reflecting the Punu women's hair styles. The masks often have an Oriental expression, but no such influence has been established. Many Punu masks can be recognized by raised diamond-shape scarification marks on the foreheads and temples. The scarification marks on the temples are thought to be associated either with a female ancestor, or with a southern sub-group of the Punu tribe. Black face-masks have exactly the same stylistic characteristics as the white masks, but they are believed to have a judiciary function and help identify sorcerers. The performances of the masks are nowadays intended primarily to entertain audiences on festive occasions. Only rarely do the masqueraders fulfill a ritual function of officiating at funerals, when they dance as embodiments of the ancestor spirits. In performances the dancers, wearing costumes of raffia or cotton fabric and animal pelts, move with amazing acrobatic agility on stilts up to six and a half feet in height. The Punu also carve standing reliquary figures, which watch over the bones of the deceased. Punu artists carved also amulets and everyday objects showing faces similar to those found on masks. It is thought they were used as prestige objects, during magical ceremonies, or were kept alongside the ancestral bones in a reliquary box.
Okuyi ceremonial mask. Punu masks represent idealized female ancestors' faces. The masks have realistic faces, and the hairstyle resembles the hair arrangement of the women of the region. The coiffure and the diamond shaped marks on the forehead and the scarifications on the temples indicate that the spirits are still members of their ethnic group even after death. The white color of the mask is a symbol for peace, deities, spirits of the dead, and the afterlife. The performances of these masks are nowadays intended primarily to entertain audiences on festive occasions. Only rarely do the masqueraders fulfill a ritual function of officiating at funerals, when they dance as embodiments of the spirits of ancestors. The dancers, wearing costumes of raffia or cotton fabric and animal pelts, move with amazing agility. The realistic effect is rapidly dispelled when the mask is worn by the stilt dancer lifted in the air to a height of fifteen feet. The eerie drama is intensified because the maskers often dance at the time of full moon. Material: wood Size: 14" x 9" x 5"	Okuyi ceremonial mask. Punu masks represent idealized female ancestors' faces. The masks have realistic faces, and the hairstyle resembles the hair arrangement of the women of the region. The coiffure and the diamond shaped marks on the forehead and the scarifications on the temples indicate that the spirits are still members of their ethnic group even after death. The white color of the mask is a symbol for peace, deities, spirits of the dead, and the afterlife. The performances of these masks are nowadays intended primarily to entertain audiences on festive occasions. Only rarely do the masqueraders fulfill a ritual function of officiating at funerals, when they dance as embodiments of the spirits of ancestors. The dancers, wearing costumes of raffia or cotton fabric and animal pelts, move with amazing agility. The realistic effect is rapidly dispelled when the mask is worn by the stilt dancer lifted in the air to a height of fifteen feet. The eerie drama is intensified because the maskers often dance at the time of full moon. Material: wood Size: 11" x 8" x 4"	Okuyi ceremonial mask. Punu masks represent idealized female ancestors' faces. The masks have realistic faces, and the hairstyle resembles the hair arrangement of the women of the region. The coiffure and the diamond shaped marks on the forehead and the scarifications on the temples indicate that the spirits are still members of their ethnic group even after death. The white color of the mask is a symbol for peace, deities, spirits of the dead, and the afterlife. The performances of these masks are nowadays intended primarily to entertain audiences on festive occasions. Only rarely do the masqueraders fulfill a ritual function of officiating at funerals, when they dance as embodiments of the spirits of ancestors. The dancers, wearing costumes of raffia or cotton fabric and animal pelts, move with amazing agility. The realistic effect is rapidly dispelled when the mask is worn by the stilt dancer lifted in the air to a height of fifteen feet. The eerie drama is intensified because the maskers often dance at the time of full moon. Material: wood Size: 12" x 9" x 7"	Okuyi ceremonial mask. Punu masks represent idealized female ancestors' faces. The masks have realistic faces, and the hairstyle resembles the hair arrangement of the women of the region. The coiffure and the diamond shaped marks on the forehead and the scarifications on the temples indicate that the spirits are still members of their ethnic group even after death. The white color of the mask is a symbol for peace, deities, spirits of the dead, and the afterlife. The performances of these masks are nowadays intended primarily to entertain audiences on festive occasions. Only rarely do the masqueraders fulfill a ritual function of officiating at funerals, when they dance as embodiments of the spirits of ancestors. The dancers, wearing costumes of raffia or cotton fabric and animal pelts, move with amazing agility. The realistic effect is rapidly dispelled when the mask is worn by the stilt dancer lifted in the air to a height of fifteen feet. The eerie drama is intensified because the maskers often dance at the time of full moon. Material: wood Size: 10" x 7" x 5"	Door. The 40,000 Punu reside on the left bank of the Upper Ngoume River (Gabon) and belong to the group of tribes known as Shira. They live in independent villages divided into clans and families, and social cohesion is ensured by a society known as moukouji. Its primary role is to regulate community life with regards to social and judicial matters, and mainly it applies itself to the neutralization of evil forces. This example of the ‘displayed female motif’ is decorated with an elaborate coiffure and body scarification. Costumed stilt dancers wore Punu masks with a similar face. This image represents the spirit of beautiful young woman who returned from dead to participate in village life. The whitened figure (white color has been apparently mostly erased) makes reference not only to the dead, but also to anti-witchcraft techniques. Witches were believed to be most active and powerful at night, and whiteness refers to light and clarity, which stand in opposition to night and mystery. In Gabon and much of central Africa clairvoyants ring their eyes with white clay (kaolin) as a strategy for detecting witchcraft. Material: wood Size: 15" x 22" x 2"
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LEGA (BALEGA, BALEGGA, REGA, WALEGA, WAREGA)

Democratic Republic of the Congo

The 100,000 to 250,000 Lega inhabit the virgin forest of eastern DRC, between the great lakes and the Lualaba River, next to Luba people. The Lega do not possess a centralized political organization, and both men and women aspire to moral authority by gaining high rank in the Bwami association. They live in the autonomous villages collectively situated at the summit of a hill surrounded by a palisade. They practice a mixed economy involving agriculture, hunting and fishing. Division of labor is gender based and akin to the economic patterns of other tribes living in the forest environment: men hunt and clear new land and women cultivate manioc and other crops. The function of the Bwami is to regulate the social, religious, and political life of the Lega. It is conveying ethical principles and establishing social norms. Circumcision was an indispensable process that allowed entrance into the Bwami. It was accompanied by the teaching of proverbs and instruction in the handling of objects endowed with moral and practical significance. The Bwami was divided into several levels. To pass to the next level, a series of initiations, gifts, and payments were needed; and this meant that one had attained certain wisdom and acquired a personal moral sense. The great ceremonies organized for the accession to the highest level would require that entire villages be constructed to house the clan of the candidate and members of the other clans who often came from very far away to participate in the festivities. The objects are frequently moved around in various containers and grouped in large number for ceremonial displays; for this reason, there is no large Lega art.

All Lega art is used within the context of the Bwami society. Originally Lega art was primarily wooden, but little by little, ivory came into use. Later many works were made of this material that allowed more complex and refined forms and a beautiful patina. The highest ranking members of the Bwami association commission, own, use and interpret all Lega sculpture. The genius of the Lega artist lies in his ability to produce a work that fulfills the requirements of the Bwami patron, fits perfectly within the canon, and yet is artistically unique. Various categories of objects are used in connection with the association’s activities, including anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines, masks, hats, and others. Each anthropomorphic figurine symbolically represents a named personage with particular moral qualities or defects that are expressed through dance and sung aphorisms in initiations to the highest grades of the association. Although quite primitive and coarse in style and execution, very expressive Lega sculpture convey the strong sense of balance, form and serenity. The Lega judge the quality of their sculpture on the basis of its effectiveness.

Seven idumu masks. Most of Lega masks are sculptures of a human face that are rarely worn over the face and never for purposes of true transformation. The Lega masks can be assigned different uses and meanings depending on the context of the performance. In Bwami ceremonies, masks are attached to different parts of the body, fixed to hat, piled in stacks, hung on fences, held in the hand, dragged on the ground, and occasionally worn on the forehead with the beard draping over the face of the wearer or arranged on a miniature palisade. Participants in most rites display their masks as a group in conjunction with particular dance movements and aphorisms, which vary depending on the context in which they are used. Lega masks differ from those used in many other African masquerades in that while women do not own them, both men and women handle and present them in very similar performances. Masks are among the initiation objects displayed on the grave before being passed to new owners. They are usually passed from an uncle to a nephew. Idumu masks are unusual because they belong to a group of people rather than one individual. During a major performance an idumu mask is hung on a fence among other smaller lukwakongo masks (these are owned by specific persons).

10" x 7" x 3"+ raffia 9" x 7" x 3" 10" x 7" x 2" + raffia 9" x 5" x 3" 8" x 7" x 3" + raffia

11" x 7" x 3" + raffia

11" x 7" x 3"

10" x 7" x 2" + raffia

Initiation Figure. The 100,000 Lega live in the virgin forest of Eastern part of the country, near Lake Kivu. All Lega art is based upon the bwami association whose hierarchy is open to both men and women. Bwami association maintains ethical principles and establishes social norms. The political society has a hierarchy of ranks, each one distinguished from the others by art objects, including statuettes. The diverse, rigidly articulated arts of the Lega are related to the initiation rites. The great ceremonies organized for the accession to the highest level would require that entire villages be constructed to house the clan of the candidate and members of the other clans who often come from very far away to participate in the festivities. The objects are frequently moved around in various containers and grouped in large number for ceremonial display. This need for portability is the reason why there are no large Lega artifacts. Such statues usually belong to the elevated bwami rank.

Material: wood
Size: 17" x 6" x 4"

Lukingu mask. This is a small initiation object made of bone or ivory. It not intended to be worn on the face or the body. Lukungu is presented to the initiates as the final attainment of the Kindi initiations. It is brought out - oiled and placed in front of its owner or on the fence - sometimes forming a face with several other initiation objects.
Material: bone
Size: 4" x 3" x 1" bone

Kayamba mask. These masks with horns, known as Kayamba masks are used only in a few regions - thus they are rare masks. They usually belong to accomplished teachers. they are used by men and women in ceremonies with singing, drama, etc.
Material: wood, rafia
Size: 4" x 7" x 4" + raffia

Human Figure. Among the Bwami it was common to order a human figure from an artist. The client would specify the material to be used, and the pose - or the elements of the sculpture. Thus the artist would know whether to carve a male or a female figure using wood or bone with its head raised, arms by its sides, etc. The use of the figure was not necessarily revealed to the artist. During the dedication ceremony, the piece acquired its meaning and designation - known to its owners. Once the figure was sold - its meaning bacame unknown - as with this piece.
Materia: wood, pigment
Size:

attributed to Kaguru.

Materials: wood, rope

Size: 26" x 8" x 8"

LELE (BASHILELE, BASHILYEEL, BASTILELE, LEELE, SHILELE)

Democratic Republic of the Congo

The 20,000 to 30,000 Lele people occupy the western region of the Kuba kingdom. The men work in the forest, where they hunt in groups, locate medicinal plants, cut wood, sculpt, and communicate with the spirits. The women are in charge of the food crops and of fishing in the marshes; feeding the village is their responsibility. The sculptor hunts, extracts palm wine, and participates in daily assemblies. Heading the Lele is the nymi, a king with limited powers. The village is organized according to age groups, with the oldest man as chief. The elders have a monopoly over the traditional cults, created to ensure the fertility and prosperity of the village. Presently, the elders are still the depositories of healers, who used to be organized into the banging society and subject to initiation. This society included mature men as well as the parents of twins, who were considered to be mediators between the spirits and humans.

The art of the Lele is not well known. It is similar to Kuba styles with the exception of its masks, which generally have a flattened shape. The most important forms of Lele art are carved drums, divination instruments, boxes, pipes, and palm wine cups. Also Lele carvers produce statuettes and face masks. The masks often have slit eyes. The functions of the masks are little known. Lele masks appeared in dances accompanying the burial rites of chiefs and in annual foundation/creation ceremonies. Although the art of the Lele borrows many elements from the Kuba and Dengese in particular, the hairdo and long braids of the statuettes distinguish them from any others. The Lele also use different prestige objects. The figures on these objects occasionally have a coiffure with two long plaits down the back.

Ceremonial mask. The 20,000 to 30,000 Lele people occupy the western region of the Kuba kingdom. Heading the Lele is a king with limited powers. The village is organized according to age groups, with the oldest man as chief. The elders have a monopoly over the traditional cults, created to ensure the fertility and prosperity of the village and success for hunters. The men work in forest, where they hunt, locate medicinal plants, cut wood, sculpt, and communicate with the spirits. The women are in charge of the food crops and of fishing in the marshes; feeding the village is their responsibility. In their language, and artistic traditions they are related to the Kuba people. The sculptor hunts, extracts palm wine, and participates in daily assemblies. The Art of the Lele is not well known. It is similar to Kuba styles with the exception of its masks, which generally have a flattened shape. Each artist has a lean-to in the part of the village belonging to his age group. Lele masks are thought to have appeared in dances accompanying the burial rites of chiefs and in annual foundation/creation ceremonies.

Material: wood

Size: 13" x 8" x 4"

Palm-wine cup (nteka). The 20,000 to 30,000 Lele people occupy the western region of the Kuba kingdom. The men hunt in groups, locate medicinal plants, cut wood, sculpt, and communicate with the spirits. The women are in charge of the food crops and of fishing in the marshes; feeding the village is their responsibility. The art of the Lele is not well known. In some respects, it is similar to Kuba. The most important forms of Lele art are carved drums, divination instruments, boxes, pipes, and palm wine cups. In earlier days, cups belonged to one age group and would pass from member to member, thus creating a bond between participants. In the more secret ceremonies, the cup had a ritual role and could only be seen by initiates. Always anthropomorphic, made of rot-proof wood, it is resistant to insects.

Material: wood

Size: 6" x 6" x 4"

LIGBI

Do ceremonial mask. Among non-Moslem groups in extensive areas of northern Côte d'Ivoire are known for an institution called Do or Lo, one of whose most striking public manifestations is colorful masquerade dancing. The performance of the maskers is accompanied by singing and dancing, expresses the joy. The Do masks, in style and design, recalls the kpelie masks of the Senufo, from which they are derived. Its regular features reflect the Ligbis’ ideal of feminine beauty. These masks are danced during the funerals of distinguished Moslem holy men, and their performances also mark critical moments during the Muslim calendar year, and at the end of Ramadan, the moth-long Islamic fast. The masqueraders are greatly admired for the grace of their dance movements, which they perform in pairs and in perfect unison.

Material: wood
Size: 17" x 7" x 3"

Do ceremonial mask. The Islamized communities who live as traders and artisans among non-Moslem groups in extensive areas of northern Côte d'Ivoire are known for an institution called Do or Lo, one of whose most striking public manifestations is colorful masquerade dancing. The performance of the maskers is accompanied by singing and dancing, expresses the joy. The classical Do mask, in style and design, recalls the kpeliyee masks of the Senufo, from which they are derived. These masks are among the most popular of those used by the Do society. They are danced during the funerals of distinguished Moslem holy men, and their performances also mark the end of Ramadan. The masqueraders are greatly admired for the grace of their dance movements, which they perform in pairs and in perfect unison.

Material: wood

Size: 16" x 8" x 6"

Yangaleya hornbil mask. The yangaleya mask is generally in the form of a humanoid face with a long beak-like protrusion extending downwards from the forehead. In this mask human features are combined with the powerful bill of the hornbill bird. The masks of this type are also valued for the positive qualities ascribed to the hornbill, whose behavior and family life are considered exemplary by the Ligbi. They attach great importance to this bird, considering it one of mythical primeval animals, an attendant on the souls of the dead and a symbol of fertility. The Ligbi masqueraders are greatly admired for the grace of their dance movements, which they perform in pairs and in perfect unison.

Material: wood

Size: 11" x 7" x 6"

Mask of the Do society. The Do masks, in style and design, recalls the kpelie masks of the Senufo, from which they are derived. Its regular features reflect the Ligbis’ ideal of feminine beauty. The cattle horns of this mask used by the Do society, as Rene Bravmann writes, indicate the importance of cattle as sacrificial animals among the Moslem Mande-speaking group. The clan leaders are responsible for holding sacrificial ceremonies at the end of Ramadan and on Aid al Kabir, the tenth day of the last month of the Islamic year.

Material: wood

Size: 16" x 8" x 3"

Do ceremonial mask. The Islamized communities who live as traders and artisans among non-Moslem groups in extensive areas of northern Côte d'Ivoire are known for an institution called Do or Lo, one of whose most striking public manifestations is colorful masquerade dancing. These masks are danced during the funerals of distinguished Moslem holy men, and their performances also mark critical moments during the Muslim calendar year, and at the end of Ramadan, the month-long Islamic fast. The masqueraders are greatly admired for the grace of their dance movements, which they perform in pairs and in perfect unison. The performance of the maskers is accompanied by drums, singing and dancing, it expresses the joy of the faithful that the period of fasting is over. Prayers and sacrifices alternate for a full week before the assembled village.

Material: wood

Size: 13" x 8" x 3"

LOBI

Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana

The Lobi people number 160,000 to 300,000. Avoiding contact with Europeans, for a long time they escaped ethnographic observation, and their sculpture was not completely discovered until 1950s. Very few Lobi have converted to either Christianity or Islam. Their land is well watered and sparsely forested, with enough seasonal rainfall to grow sorghum, millet and corn, and root crops such as yams. The men work the fields, but it is the women who sow and carry the ears of corn in large baskets on their head. They raise cattle and many kinds of poultry, primarily used for sacrifices and for payment of the bride price.

During the wet season when they are not in the fields, the men work wood and iron, labor in the foundry, and build houses. The Lobi were not familiar with centralized authority but were organized in groups of patrilineal and matrilineal clans. They revere spirits known as thil. These thil communicate religious laws to the community through diviners, and these laws govern the community.

Sculptors, who live off farming, devote only part of their time to sculpture; their period of apprenticeship may be reduced, so that the objects are of variable quality, often quite mediocre. The Lobi do not use masks, but create male and female spirit figures called bateba and heads sculpted on top of a post planted in the ground. Bateba is considered as a living being and may see, communicate, and intervene on behalf of its thil spirit. Lobi figures are between 2” and 35” high. In every house a small shrine room is set apart for the worship of ancestral spirits. Shrines are built to the thil spirits under the instructions of a sorcerer and are filled with a variety of wooden statues together with assortment of clay sculptures, iron staffs, bottles, pots and the like. Frequent sacrifices are made at these shrines to ensure the goodwill of the ancestors, and to avoid Illness and misfortune. The figures, associated with the dead, are beings that are somewhere between spirits and people and may represent the dead, or ghost, or bush spirit. The figures preside over foundation rites, essential for obtaining protection for new homes. They were also used by soothsayers and by the leaders of the family cult.

Large heads depicted on a post or stake form a unique category of Lobi sculpture. Many examples are sculpted with great care and attention to detail, and, unlike the full-bodied figures, they often show a triple scarification at the temple. These sculpted heads were fixed into the ground at various shrines and in the open air. They are found with their spike set into the top of an external wall, where they served as guardians of the house.

The Lobi also produce seats with three feet, sometimes decorated with a human or animal figure. Lobi arts also include a wide variety of small human and animal images, implements, and more abstract symbols in copper alloy and iron. Some of these are worn as jewelry and some appear on shrines.

Spirit Figure (bateba). The 300,000 Lobi are a farming people who live in southwestern Burkina Faso, northern Côte d'Ivoire and northwestern Ghana. They have no system of chiefs or other rulers whatsoever. The Lobi consult a diviner to discover the cause of a problem they cannot solve and the means by which to remedy it. The diviner is not told the client’s problem; rather, he must contact the thila (divinities) to identify the misfortune and to ascertain which thil caused it. The appropriate thil reveals the cause and prescribes the remedy. The remedy usually entails providing an altar in the client’s home for the thil on which a figure called bateba will be placed. Among the bateba are ti bala, or “extraordinary persons,” of which this female figure is an example. Ti bala manifest physiological characteristics that are not normally found in human beings: having more than one body on one pair of legs, having a head on a leg, or having only one arm, such as with this example. According to the Lobi these statues are living beings which can move, speak to each other and even die when their bodies have decayed too far.

Material: wood

Size: 30" x 14" x 2"

Spirit Figure (bateba). Avoiding contact with Europeans, for a long time the Lobi people escaped ethnographic observation, and their sculpture was not completely discovered until 1950s. In every Lobi house a small shrine room is set apart for the worship of ancestral spirits. Here are placed a variety of wooden statues together with assortment of clay sculptures, iron staffs, bottles, pots and the like. Frequent sacrifices are made at these shrines to ensure the goodwill of the ancestors, and to avoid illness and misfortune. The spirits are represented by figures like this one, called bateba. Its function may be to provide for the fertility of the owners wives and livestock and fields and for the general well-being of the community.

Material: wood

Size: 8" x 5" x 4"

Spirit Figure (boteba). The 300,000 Lobi are a farming people who live in southwestern Burkina Faso, northern Côte d'Ivoire and northwestern Ghana. They have no system of chiefs or other rulers whatsoever. The community is formed around divinities or thila (singular thil) rather than a political leader. These thila communicate religious laws to the community through diviners, and these laws govern the community. Very few Lobi have converted to either Christianity or Islam. The divinities are represented by figures like this one, called boteba. Its function may be to provide for the fertility of the owners wives and livestock and fields and for the general well-being of the community. These figures are placed on shrines in a dark corner of the owner’s house.

Material: wood

Size: 9" x 4" x 2"

LUBA (BALUBA, KALUBA, LOUBA, URUWA, WALUBA, WARUA)

Democratic Republic of the Congo

The Luba number 1 million. The vast Luba territory, comprising the entire southeastern part of the DRC, as far as Tanganyika and Lake Mweru, is uniform as regards language and culture, but racially mixed. Although the history of the Luba people is one of violence and warfare, their artistic style is characterized by harmonious integration of organically related forms. The splendid artistic achievements of the Luba are due to a felicitous intermingling of different racial and cultural elements, and to the high standards prevailing at the court. Luba arts counts amongst the finest that Africa has to offer. Artists occupied a privileged place in the hierarchy. The Luba artist carried a ceremonial ax on his shoulder, an emblem of prestige and of dignity of his position. Some apprentices would be recruited from among the deformed, who could neither hunt nor be warriors and who were believed to have a close connection with magic.

Among the characteristics of Luba sculpture are: intricate hair-dress, often in the form of a cross, or falling down like a cascade; a grooved diagonal band separating the hair-line from the forehead; eyes shaped like coffee-beans; small simplified ‘cat’s ears’; ornamental cicatrices in relief on the body; the surface elaborately worked and polished. The traditional carvings are for ancestor and spirit cults, for initiation, medical and divination purposes. The favorite theme in sculpture was woman since, according to the Luba myth, vilie was the first woman spirit, founder of the clan and guarantor of fertility and the lineage. Women were cult guardians, and the royal wives played an important role: sent as emissaries to the chiefs of neighboring ethnicities, they would contract profitable political alliances based on marriage. Some figures are freestanding, almost always in a frontal position, often with their hands on their breasts; others are kneeling, sitting, or standing figures whose upraised hands serve as supports for bowls, seats, and neck rests. The figures are often characterized by elaborate scarification patterns on the body. The diviner, painted white, used the mboko, a seated or crouched female figure holding a bowl robbed with kaolin. He would shake her and analyze the position of the different objects the bowl contained. In the healing ritual, the sorcerer would use the kabila, or daughter of the spirit, which consisted of a figure and receptacle, which were also placed at the entry to the house during the childbirth. The female figures are modeled in rounded forms and have what is called dodu; that is, a stylistic tendency toward plumpness. One well-known Luba sub-style has been called the "long-face style" of Buli. It contrasts strongly with the roundness of other Luba figures. The faces are elongated, with angular, elegant features. Many Luba statues also carry magic ingredients on the top of the head.

Of the several mask types used by the Luba, one of the better known is kifwebe, a mask elaborated with whitened parallel grooves on a dark ground. The kifwebe masks, used by the secret society of the same name, originated in this territory. The Luba attribute its origins to three spirits, which emerged from a ditch near a lake. The female spirit was attracted by humans and went to live among them. The two male spirits stayed in the bush, but visited the village where they dazzled the inhabitants with their dancing to the point where the men begged to be initiated. These distinctive masks vary a great deal but in general are characterized by lineal patterns all over the face. They were worn with a raffia costume. Danced in male/female couples and representing spirits, kifwebe connect this world and the spirit world. They are used to mark important periods of social transition and transformation, appearing at the death of a chief or any other eminent person, or when a person assumes an important political title. Worn on the night of the new moon, they are also performed in honor of ancestors. They also are perceived as having healing abilities. Examples of large round kifwebe masks with broad noses, rectangular mouths, and flattened crests, entered European collections by the second half of the nineteenth century. During the first two decades of the twentieth century, the kifwebe masking tradition spread throughout the Luba and Songye regions of southwest DRC. Female masks are distinguished from male masks by geometric patterns that represent beauty, including dots, crosses, chevrons, and triangles. Entirely different are Luba masks with curved ram’s horns.

Luba circular stools, carved from one tree trunk are of high artistic merit. They are usually supported by a caryatid figure of a kneeling or standing woman, the sit resting on her head and also supported by upraised arms. The headrests are also of great variety. The Luba produced ceremonial staffs and scepters of very great variety and beauty. Similar care is shown in adze and axe handles, with the blade inset like a tongue, arrow quivers, etc. In Luba sculpture, one also finds drums, pendants, shields, bellows, and pipes.

Headrest. The vast Luba territory comprises the entire southeastern part of the DRC, as far as Tanganyika and Lake Mweru. While not an object exclusively limited to royal use, headrests were prized possessions of Luba chiefs. Wooden headrests are used as pillows to preserve intricate coiffures. Some hairdos took up to fifty hours to complete. Using a headrest allowed the hairdo to last two or three months. In addition to the great personal attachment that Luba people developed for their headrests, these were also seen as the seat of dreams. Luba consider dreams to be prophetic: dreams foretell important events, provide warnings and communicate messages from the other world. It is therefore fitting that headrests should be supported by the female priestesses who serve in real life as intermediaries and interlocutors for the spirits of the other world.

Material: wood

Size: 6" x 6" x 4"

Female Kifwebe mask. The Luba attribute the origins of the kifwebe society to three spirits, which emerged from a ditch near a lake. The female spirit was attracted by humans and went to live among them. The two male spirits stayed in the bush, but visited the village where they dazzled the inhabitants with their dancing to the point where the men begged to be initiated. The grooves marking the surface of kifwebe refer to the ditch from which the founding spirits emerged. The masks therefore are marked with signs of the portal to the other world. During the first two decades of the twentieth century, the kifwebe masking tradition spread throughout the Luba and Songye regions of southwest DRC. They were worn in male/female pairs for royal ceremonies, on the night of the new moon when ancestors are honored, during initiation and funeral ceremonies, and when a person assumed an important political title. They also are perceived as having healing abilities. These masks were worn with a raffia costume. Examples of the round kifwebe masks entered European collections by the second half of the nineteenth century. Female kifwebe masks differ by smaller crests or even by lack of them.

Material: wood

Size: 28" x 21" x 12"

Female Kifwebe mask. The Luba attribute the origins of the kifwebe society to three spirits, which emerged from a ditch near a lake. The female spirit was attracted by humans and went to live among them. The two male spirits stayed in the bush, but visited the village where they dazzled the inhabitants with their dancing to the point where the men begged to be initiated. The grooves marking the surface of kifwebe refer to the ditch from which the founding spirits emerged. The masks therefore are marked with signs of the portal to the other world. During the first two decades of the twentieth century, the kifwebe masking tradition spread throughout the Luba and Songye regions of southwest DRC. They were worn in male/female pairs for royal ceremonies, on the night of the new moon when ancestors are honored, and during initiation and funeral ceremonies. They also are perceived as having healing abilities. These masks were worn with a raffia costume. Examples of the round kifwebe masks entered European collections by the second half of the nineteenth century. Female kifwebe masks differ by smaller crests or even by lack of them.

Material: wood

Size: 12" x 9" x 6"

Female bowl bearer (Mboko). The vast Luba territory, comprising the entire southeastern part of the DRC, as far as Tanganyika and Lake Mweru, is uniform as regards language and culture, but racially mixed. Designed to forecast future events, the bowl bearer – known as a mboko (the name for the sacred vessel held by the figure) – is a vivid example of how knowledge and divination are visualized in Luba culture. Luba bowl figures commemorate the first mythical Luba diviner, Mijibu wa Kalenga, and were primarily the preserve of royal diviners who used them as oracles. More recently, such works have also been commissioned by rulers for use as containers filled with sacred chalk (kaolin), an empowering material associated with purity, renewal, and the spirit world. They were sometimes kept at the door of the royal residence. Visitors were expected to take the kaolin to smear on their chests and arms, and to spread on the ground before the king as a gesture of respect. One well-known Luba sub-style has been called the "long-face style" of Buli. It contrasts strongly with the roundness of other Luba figures. The faces are elongated, with angular, elegant features. This figure is a good example of this style.

Material: wood

Size: 21" x 11" x 10"

Bow stand. Bow stands were among the most sacred regalia in the treasures of Luba kings and chiefs. These objects with their three projecting wooden branches functioned as resting stands for bows and arrows, but were primarily symbols of royal authority. Never displayed in public, bow stands were fastidiously guarded in the king’s shrine by a female dignitary called the Kyabuta, who, at public ceremonies, followed the chief holding a simple bow between her breasts, becoming a living bow stand. Only the king and one official had access to this shrine. These precautions were taken not only to ensure against theft, but to protect viewers from the tremendous power of the objects.

Material: wood

Size: 39" x 12" x 4"

Female Figure

MAterial: wood

Size: 29" x 9" x 7"

Stool. In addition to the caryatid stools, Luba have produced nonfigurative stools. This one is an example.

Material: wood

Size: 20" x 20" x 20"

Staff of office. African staffs of office have many roles and functions, as symbols of office and as metaphorical extensions of the hand. But for Luba people, staffs also function as visual records of the details of family history, migration, and genealogy. High-level office holders carry staffs to public proceedings and perform historical recitations to honor ancestors and teach their descendants about family ties to Luba kingship. The word “kingship” cannot accurately portray the true nature of Luba royalty, which was based on the duality of the sexes. The pervasive representation of women on male officeholders’ emblems, and the important role of women in Luba political and religious history as spirit mediums, reinforce the ambiguous gendering of power. (If the women look in different directions:). Material: wood, metal, metal coil
Size: 56" x 4"

Material: wood

Size: 11" x 11' x 7"

Material: wood

Size: 35" x 3"

Spoon. Luba art is a court art that endowed everyday objects with a stamp of luxury and prestige – stools, staffs, arrow carriers, headrests, and others. The typical Luba figure is female with rounded features and soft, sensitive forms. This spoon is one of such objects.

Material: wood

Size: 18" x 3" x 1"

Comb. The splendid artistic achievements of the Luba are due to a felicitous intermingling of different racial and cultural elements, and to the high standards prevailing at the court. Luba arts counts amongst the finest that Africa has to offer. The favorite theme in sculpture was woman since, according to the Luba myth, vilie was the first woman spirit, founder of the clan and guarantor of fertility and the lineage. Women were cult guardians, and the royal wives played an important role: sent as emissaries to the chiefs of neighboring ethnicities, they would contract profitable political alliances based on marriage. Therefore iconographic representation of women in Luba sculpture is widespread and correlates to the important role of women in Luba society. The Luba are best known for their carved stools, divination bowls (mboko), bow stands, standing and sitting woman figures, combs, and others. Elaborately carved and decorated combs in a rich array of forms are worn as hair ornaments. This comb is one of them.

Material: wood

Size:

NOT FOUND

Material: wood

Size: 10" x 9" x 3"

Headrest. This object destined to support the neck and to protect the sleeper’s very sophisticated coiffure. Some hairdos, like this type of “pagoda” coiffure, took up to fifty hours to complete. Using a headrest allowed the hairdo to last two or three months. This headrest comprises the figure of a rider mounted on what appears to be a long-horned antelope, or even a goat. He stretches out his arms to grasp a supplemental element of support implanted in the animal’s neck. While not an object exclusively limited to royal use, headrests were prized possessions of Luba chiefs. In addition to the great personal attachment that Luba people developed for their headrests, these were also seen as the seat of dreams. Luba consider dreams to be prophetic: dreams foretell important events, provide warnings and communicate messages from the other world.

Material: wood

Size: 7" x 6" x 3"

Female Figure on a Gourd
A wooden female figure seated on top of a gourd functioned as a nkisi (a fetish). A Bilumbu - a spirit medium would utilize such objects for divination and healing. They may also be used for retrieving lost articles, curing sterility and revealing prophecy through dreams.

Materials: wood, gourd, seeds, plant fiber, rope.

Size: 10" x 5" x 5"

Female divination rattle

Kibuta or divination has been an important part of Luba way of life. This rattle is a nkisi - a female figure atop of 3 small gourds. A Bilumbu diviner would rattle the seeds in the three small gourds, while performing the divination for help with locating misplaced objects, curing sterility and attaining general well-being.

Materials: wood, small gourds/seeds

Size: 10" x 2" x 2"

Headrest. Using a headrest allowed the hairdo to last two or three months. Headrests were prized possessions of Luba chiefs. In addition to the great personal attachment that Luba people developed for their headrests, these were also seen as the seat of dreams. Luba consider dreams to be prophetic: dreams foretell important events, provide warnings and communicate messages from the other world. This headrest rests on the head of a kneeling male who is stretching his hands out to a large ceremonial vessel. The vessel and the forehead of its user are decorated with an ornament.

Material: wood

Size: 7" x 6" x 3"

LULA

Democratic Republic of the Congo

The 15,000 Lula settled along the banks of the Nseki River. Today they live in autonomous villages and their economic survival depends on hunting and fishing. Stylistically, their statues show Teke-like facial scarifications, while the carved coiffure and the general morphology of the figures are influenced by the Yaka. The Lula carved small apotropaic figures (25 cm high) and prestige objects such as flywhisks and headrests. In the 1980s, Lula masks first appeared in the West. They are covered with blue and white pigments and have oblong shape and typical rounded eyes. They are thought to have been worn by the guardian of the initiation camp. (adapted from J.-B. Bacquart, The Tribal Arts of Africa, Thames and Hudson, N. Y., 1998)

Initiation mask. Migrating with the Yaka people from Angola during 16^th century, the 15,000 Lula settled along the banks of the Nseki River in Haut-Zaire Region. Today they live in autonomous villages and their economic survival depends on hunting and fishing. Stylistically, they are under influence of Teke and Yaka. In the 1980s, Lula masks first appeared in the West. They have an oblong shape and typical rounded eyes. They are thought to have been worn by the guardian of the initiation camps. Lula artists used white and blue pigments to accentuate shapes and surfaces on their masks.

Material: wood
Size:19" x 10" x 10"

LULUA

Democratic Republic of the Congo

Lulua is an umbrella term, which refers to a large number of heterogeneous peoples who populate the region near the Lulua River, between the Kasai and Sankuru rivers. The Lulua people migrated from western Africa during the 18th century and settled in the southern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly Zaire). They number 300,000 and live in small regional chiefdoms and in times of crisis elect a common leader. The role of the village chief is to insure juridical, political and social cohesion. During the late 19th century, Lulua culture underwent radical changes. In 1875, the Lulua king, Kalambam, introduces new social and religious regulations, which ended the traditional palm-wine drinking and hemp smoking.

Their economy is mostly based on agriculture, hunt and trade. Primarily farmers, Lulua women grow manioc as a staple crop, as well as beans, sweet potatoes, maize, yams, peanuts, and bananas. The men are responsible for clearing the forest and preparing the soil for cultivation. They also hunt, fish with nets, and trap animals in the surrounding forests. Salt is found in the region and is collected and sold to neighbors to generate income.

The Lulua statuary is remarkable in the degree of its scarification, a manifestation of a wish to be socially differentiated. These marks must be very ancient as in 80^th of 19^th century they were no found on the Lulua themselves. The statues represent great chiefs with beards and insignia, and these effigies would be planted in the ground to protect the household when the head of the family was absent. These male figures depict warriors-chiefs who often hold a ceremonial sword and shield, or a cup. Sometimes knives and other paraphernalia hang from the belt. The most famous statuettes are the mbulenga, or female charm statuettes. The chibola are maternity figures that, when worn on the belt, protected the newborn child or the baby about to be born: the chibola would stand watch over childbirths. The protruding abdomen of the woman emphasizes the importance of the lineage.

Other figures are in crouching or squatting positions with raised hands resting on the neck and the oversize head. It is said that this position corresponded to the burial form, and in all probability these statues represent ancestors. Other statuettes with truncated bases protected against sorcerers, thieves, and lightning; they were used in divination sessions, and could bring about bad luck. Crouching figures with receptacles on their heads were used as hemp boxes by the hunters, who attached them to the belt and spoke to them, and they brought him luck on his return. During the hunting ritual, the statue would be fed and placed on a small earth hillock to witness the hunt. Warrior statues are also numerous. Large standing figures, carrying a cup, were charms of beauty and luck inhabited by ancestral spirits. These statues participated in the investitures of chiefs and at their funerals. One should note the importance of the head, which frequently comprises a quarter of the total dimension of the figure. The hairdos generally end in a point and have tufts of hair emerging from the back of the skull. The horn projected from the top of the head symbolizes power. The neck is long, the shoulders tattooed, the breasts small and pointy. The position of the arms at right angles expresses virile strength. The navel is often pointed, surrounded by concentric circles that symbolize life. The legs are short.

As for Lulua masks, the heterogeneous composition of the people and the considerable area they occupy, explain the many stylistic overlappings with their neighbors. The formal and functional diversity of the masks testifies to the region as an ethnic crossroads and sometimes makes it difficult to confirm their origin. One can distinguish at least two categories of wooden Lulua masks. The first group consists of face masks with concave eye-sockets and intricate geometric painted patterns; the second consists of face masks with concave eye-sockets, simpler patterns, and plank-shaped crest. Lulua masks with their pointed nose and deep eye-sockets were probably used during circumcision and funeral ceremonies.

The Lulua also make pipes, tobacco mortars, neck-rests, hemp jars, drums, combs, small hunters’ flutes, and adzes.

Initiation Spirit Mask. The Lulua numbering 300,000 inhabit a vast region in the south central DRC. They live in small relatively independent regional chiefdoms. Lulua women grow manioc as a staple crop, as well as beans, sweet potatoes, maize, yams, peanuts, and bananas. The men are responsible for clearing the forest and preparing the soil for cultivation. They also hunt, fish with nets, and trap animals in the surrounding forests. The Lulua were never politically united and therefore there were a large number of relatively autonomous chiefs, which meant that many local dignitaries had works of art dedicated to them. The heterogeneous composition of the Lulua, and the considerable area they occupy, explain the many stylistic overlapping with their neighbors. Lulua art is very personal and has very little relation to neighboring styles. The Lulua masks representing the spirits of the dead are used by masqueraders who perform during circumcision rites in initiation ceremonies. They have recently been danced to celebrate the founding of a new mission post or hospital and to entertain occasional visitors.

Material: wood

Size: 15" x 8" x 5"

Female figure. The Lulua are a patrilineal Bantu-speaking people who inhabit a vast region in the province of West Kasai in the south central DRC. Lulua art is very personal and has little relation to neighboring styles. The subjects are men, women, and mother-and-child-groups. The body is covered with elaborate scarification marks. Body decoration is a peculiar trait of Lulua sculpture, and echoes a cosmetic practice widespread among the women of the upper class. Figures of mothers with children or of pregnant women, like this one, are associated with the fertility cult, and were sculpted for mothers who had aborted or had continually lost children on the suggestion of the priest-healer, in order to encourage normal pregnancies. The tattoos, considered signs of beauty, indicated the high position of woman in society.

Material: wood

Size: 23" x 5" x 4"

Female chibola figure. Lulua is an umbrella term, which refers to a large number of heterogeneous peoples who populate the region near the Lulua River, between the Kasai and Sankuru rivers. The Lulua statuary is remarkable in the degree of its scarification, a manifestation of a wish to be socially differentiated. These marks must be very ancient as in 80^th of 19^th century they were no found on the Lulua themselves. The chibola are maternity figures that, when worn on the belt, protected the newborn child or the baby about to be born: the chibola would stand watch over childbirths. The protruding abdomen of the woman emphasizes the importance of the lineage.

Material: wood

Size: 9" x 3" x 3"

Female chibola figure. The Lulua practiced the cult of Bwanga Bwa Cibola which was thought to help women who suffered repeated still-births or lost several children shortly after birth. An act of sorcery was blamed, and the woman consulted a diviner. The diviner advised the woman to have herself initiated into the bwanga cult which involved a certain number of dietary taboos and other prohibitions. The initiate was given a statuette depicting a pregnant woman or a maternity statue. She went on to live in a small dwelling outside the village. Like the other Lulua sculptures this figurine is covered with rich scarifications, which the Lulua see as tokens of beauty. Standing statues were placed in a basket by the woman’s bed.

Material: wood

Size: 30" x 7" x 8"

Ceremonial female. The name of this tribe derives from the name of the Lulua River (in the south central DRC), which they inhabit. Numbering 300,000 they live in small regional chiefdoms. The Lulua were never politically united and therefore there were a large number of relatively autonomous chiefs, which meant that many local dignitaries had works of art dedicated to them. The Lulua are a patrilineal Bantu-speaking people who inhabit a vast region in the province of West Kasai in the south central DRC. They devote themselves mostly to the hunt. Lulua art is very personal and has little relation to neighboring styles. The subjects are men, women, and mother-and-child-groups. The crouching figures are thought to be associated with disease and suffering.

Material: wood

Size: 22" x 4" x 4"

LWALWA

(BALUALUA, BALWALWA, LWALU)

Democratic Republic of the Congo and Angola

Lwalwa people are related to Lulua. Inhabiting the triangle formed by the Kasai River and its tributary, the Lweta, in the southwest of the former Kasai province, 20,000 Lwalwa live in DRC, but many more are in Angola. Their social and political organization is rudimentary. Each Lwalwa village is headed by a male or female chief, whose power is held in check by a powerful society, the bangongo. The Lwalwa believe in a supreme being, but they worship only the spirits of the hunt and nature. The land where the Lwalwa live is rich and fertile, lending itself well to the agricultural economy of the people. The women are almost wholly responsible for all that goes into the growing of crops, both for local consumption and for trade. The men do, however, lend a hand during the busy harvest time, so that they can evaluate their household intake for the season. Although hunting by the men provides some occasional supplementary protein, the women provide the majority of the nutritious intake. The hunt, sometimes individual and sometimes communal, still plays an important social role among the Lwalwa.

The sculptor enjoyed a privileged status and was paid handsomely; his profession was hereditary and often, due to his riches, he was made village chief in charge of the masked dances. Lwalwa carvers are famous for their masks. The masks typically display a balanced composition, an enlarged angular nose, a protruding mouth and slanted eyes set under a deeply formed forehead. These sharply delineated features give Lwalwa art almost geometric appearance. The masks may be divided into four types: the nkaki, or man’s mask, with a nose sculpted into a wide triangular panel that sometimes extends up to the forehead; the shifoola, a mask with a short, hooked nose; the mvondo, the nose of which is reminiscent of the nkaki’s, but smaller; and finally the mushika or kashika, which represents a woman and which has a frontal crest. The shapes of the nose are modeled after different birds. The lips are narrow but protruding and thick; the eyes have openings in horizontal slits. On the temples they have a protuberance that represents tattooing. The masks had an important function in the bangongo dance of the hunting ritual. When hunters returned empty-handed, the ancestors would be appeased by organizing a dance. The masks were also used in a secret ritual of the bangongo society, in charge of initiation and circumcision of young men. The choreography of masked dances was highly complex and had to appease the spirits of the ancestors and compel them to intervene. Masks still play a role today in secular festivities. Nowadays the mask dances are performed for payment, and their magic has largely given way to entertainment.

The statuary limited to rather crude figurines whose features are copied from masks, played a definite role in the fertility ritual and also in the cult devoted to the spirits.

Male nkaki ceremonial mask. The land where 20,000 Lwalwa live is rich and fertile, lending itself well to the agricultural economy of the people. Lwalwa art, known mostly by the masks, is the most original in a group of tribes located in the region where the Kasai River marks the border between Zaire and Angola. Sculpting is recognized as a prestigious profession and is usually passed on from father to son. Sculptors are a privileged caste of the community and the Lwalwa are renowned dancers. Masks play an important role in the lives of the Lwalwa. There are four types of masks, three masculine and one feminine. The masks had an important function in the bangongo dance of the hunting ritual. When hunters returned empty-handed, the ancestors would be appeased by organizing a dance. The masks were also used in a secret ritual of the bangongo society, in charge of initiation and circumcision of young men. The choreography of masked dances was highly complex and had to appease the spirits of the ancestors and compel them to intervene. Masks still play a role today in secular festivities.

Material: wood

Size: 14" x 9" x 7"

Ceremonial Figurine. The statuary limited to figurines whose features are copied from masks, played a definite role in the fertility ritual and also in the cult devoted to the spirits and ancestors. No details concerning Lwalwa figures are known.

Material: wood

Size: 17" x 3" x 3"

LWENA LWENA (ALUENA, KALUENA, LOVALE, LUENA, LURALE, WENA)

Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia

This primarily Angolan tribe lives partially in DRC and in Zambia. Led by a king, the Mwana Yamvo, the Lwena people support themselves from fishing in the wet plains at the source of the Zambeze River, in Angola. The structure of Lwena art is largely based on that of the Chokwe, but includes a more refined use of full, round shapes, and differ also by the coiffures and scarifications on the cheeks and forehead. Artistically, the Lwena appear to have focused their skills on carving female figures, which are also found on decorative ‘prestige’ objects such as canes, combs and finger pianos, and on masks. These differ from those of the Chokwe as their statues usually display a spherical cross-hatched coiffure which is often divided by a vertical ridge, and angular linear scarifications on their cheeks. All in all, it is a very female art related to a tribal social structure in which women play important roles, including that of chief.

Young woman pwevo mask. The structure of Lwena art is largely based on that of the Chokwe, but includes a more refined use of full, round shapes. Artistically, the Lwena appear to have focused their skills on carving masks and female figures. All in all, it is a very female art related to a tribal social structure in which women play important roles, including that of chief. This is a “young woman” mask, presenting a mythical female personage who died young and whose painful loss was recalled by the masquerader’s dance. Such masks, danced by men, appear at various festivities in order to entertain the village, and especially its female inhabitants, with performances in which sexual references play a key part. The Lwena style of this mask is indicated mainly by cheek scarifications and round coiffure.

Material: wood

Size:12" x 6" x 5"

MAKONDE (WAMAKONDE)

Tanzania and Mozambique

Inhabiting the southeast of Tanzania and the northeast of Mozambique are about 500,000 Makonde, divided into matrilineal clans, each one comprising several villages. Decisions are made by a chief supported by a council. Clan members meet only for the ancestral cult and to celebrate initiations.

According to legend, shortly after the Creation, the first man, wandering around outside the bush, sculpted a female figure out of wood, and the statue became a real woman who gave him many children and, after her death, became the venerated ancestress of the Makonde. This accounts for the ancestress cult as well as the profusion of sculpted female figures, kept in huts.

In the traditional homelands of the Makonde the primary source of food comes from slash and burn farming. Crops include maize, sorghum, and cassava. This is often supplemented by hunting.

The precolonial Makonde lived in dispersed settlements. Each settlement was composed of a small number of households headed by men belonging to a matrilineal kinship unit called a likola. A likola was said to derive from a common female ancestor, revered as a life-giver and protector, who was represented by figurines only a few inches tall. Carved from soft wood, the images were embellished with traditional body decoration: the face and torso had geometrical designs, and the upper lip exhibited the lip-plug worn by Makonde women of the time. People often carried such carvings with them on long journeys. For example, a man going out to hunt might have tied one to his back or hip to protect him from danger. Other carvings served educational purposes. One of the most important events in the life of a Makonde was initiation. During this intensive months-long ritual, girls and boys were provided with knowledge and skills essential to the Makonde way of life. Carvings sometimes functioned as teaching tools in the context.

The most important carving used in initiation ceremonies was the lipiko (or mapiko) mask, which was worn over the top of the head, tilted back so the wearer could look out through the mouth. The masks sometimes represent ancestral spirits, sometimes animals. The ancestors come back masked in order to express their joy at the successful achievement of initiation. Their presence is proof of the tight bonds that exist between the living and the dead. The Makonde masks may attain great expressiveness. Some are simple in form, with static concave planes; others display an organically sensed rounded style. The naturalism is exaggerated in many masks, with their full lips and receding cranium. The faces of the masks are often scarified. The Makonde have two main types of masks: helmet crests, known as lipiko, and face masks. The anthropomorphic face masks portray particular individuals or occasionally represent sickness. Design elements frequently include scarification marks, and eyebrows, lashes and coiffure made of real hair affixed with wax. The helmet masks have strong, Negroid features. Male masks have beards, female ones lip-plugs and – a travesty of the male dancer – body masks in which two breasts are depicted in the middle of the wax tattoos. The body masks celebrate the return of young men to the village after they have been initiated into adult life. The men who wear them cover their faces with a mask of a feminine face. They represent pregnant women. The feminine mask dances with great composure while a masculine mask dramatizes the pains of childbirth. An orchestra of drummers accompanies the dances. Certain masks must inspire terror in the women, who may only view their apparition with their upper body bent over and their head facing down towards the ground. Animal masks are provided with long ears and horns, and dancers in ape masks turn acrobatic somersaults.

The Makonde are almost the only ethnicity in East Africa to create fairly naturalistic sculptures – primarily maternity figures, which are intended to ensure the fertility of the fields and women. The upper lip of the female figurine is elongated by a labret. The standing figures often have the arms separated from the body. These male and female figures represent ancestors, and have apotropaic functions. Famous, too, are the milete: small wooden boxes for medicines, snuff or gunpowder, the lids of which bear pretty motifs of rosettes and animal figures.

Ancestral Female Figure. The 500,000 Makonde are divided into matrilineal clans, each one comprising several villages. Clan members meet for the ancestral cult and to celebrate initiations. The Makonde believe in a world of ancestor spirits and in malevolent spirits who make an appearance during the ceremonies that close initiation rites. According to legend, shortly after the Creation, the first man, wandering around outside the bush, sculpted a female figure out of wood, and the statue became a real woman who gave him many children and, after her death, became the venerated ancestress of the Makonde. This accounts for the ancestress cult as well as the profusion of sculpted female figures, kept in huts. During this intensive months-long ritual, girls and boys were provided with knowledge and skills essential to the Makonde way of life. The Makonde practice of carving protective ancestor figures predates the colonial era. Material: wood
Size: 25" x 11" x 9"

Initiation lipico facemask. The 500,000 Makonde, divided into matrilineal clans, survive economically from farming and occasionally, cattle rearing. Makonde carvers are prolific producers of masks, statues and decorative objects. The most famous are the lipico masks, which are used to mark a boy’s initiation into adulthood. Lipico is the name that Makonde men give to the masker of their masquerading association, who is brought from the bush into the village for initiation celebrations. . They were worn by the men who directed the initiation and whose identity was carefully hidden from women and young boys. It was only revealed to the adolescents at the end of their initiation, after they had undergone various ordeals. The dances are accompanied by an orchestra of drummers. These masks have realistic features. The hairdo is made of human hair. The masks are carved with light balsa-like wood and are always worn with a cloth.

Material: wood

Size: 11" x 10' x 10"

Ancestral Female Figure. The Makonde believe in a world of ancestor spirits and in malevolent spirits who make an appearance during the ceremonies that close initiation rites. According to legend, shortly after the Creation, the first man, wandering around outside the bush, sculpted a female figure out of wood, and the statue became a real woman who gave him many children and, after her death, became the venerated ancestress of the Makonde. This accounts for the ancestress cult as well as the profusion of sculpted female figures, kept in huts. During the intensive months-long initiation ritual, girls and boys were provided with knowledge and skills essential to the Makonde way of life. The Makonde carver was first and foremost a farmer, dedicating time to carving only in the off-season or during periods of rest. The Makonde practice of carving protective ancestor figures predates the colonial era.

Material: wood

Size: 21" x 8" x 6"

No information exists about this mask

11" x 8" x 6"

Body mask (Njorowe). Among the Makonde in southern Tanzania, masquerading is linked with the initiation of adolescent boys and girls, to prepare them for their future role as husbands and wives. In the masquerades held at the end of the isolation period, the actors dance and pantomime relations between the sexes or embody various characters, each topic being represented by a particular mask type. In earlier periods, a body plate (njorowe) with breasts, protruding navel and a bulging belly represented a young, pregnant woman. It was part of the costume of a male dancer whose face was concealed behind a female mask. In his performance together with a male mask figure, he moved sluggishly mimed sexual intercourse with his partner, and demonstrated the burdens of pregnancy and giving birth. These evocative performances can still be observed among the Makonde today. The meaning of the scarification representing a lizard is not clear.

Material: wood

Size: 27" x 14" x 9"

MAterial: Wood, beads, fabric

Size: 24" x 13" x 10"

Female face mask. The Makonde have two mask types: helmet crests, used principally by the groups in Mozambique, and face masks , prevalent among the Tanzanian Makonde. The anthropomorphic face masks portray particular individuals or occasionally represent sickness. Female masks like this one often have a lip plug, and male masks a beard. This mask is covered with human hair, and has simple circular scarification. The mask covered the dancer’s head. His disguise was completed by a costume of fabrics, foliage, or feathers, supplemented by various accessories such as fly whisks, dance stuffs, noisemakers, or weapons. The Makonde still hold masquerade dances at the end of initiation ceremonies, when adolescent boys and girls return from their separate bush camps after a period of seclusion. In this context the anthropomorphic masks embody ancestral spirits, whose apparition serves to remind the initiates of their new position in the community and the rights and duties it entails.

Material: wood, human hair

Size: 9" x 7" x 4"

Size: 18" x 11" x 12"

MAMA (KANTANA)

Nigeria

The Mama live on the plateaus of northern Nigeria, extending from the present-day state of Ebbi to the Cameroon border. Difficulty accessible, this extremely varied region from an ethnic and linguistic point of view, has in the past been the site of numerous migrations and invasions.

Geographically isolated, the peoples of the northeast – Montol, Jukun, Koro, Goemai, Mama, etc – have up to present been relatively little studied. Nonetheless, among the majority of these peoples we do find the institution of a chief/priest invested with sacred authority, one responsible for the well-being of the entire community. The political organization of the Mama, however, was quite varied. The plateau region has a long artistic tradition behind it, for it is here that the Nok civilization blossomed – one that has given us the most ancient evidence of terracotta figurative sculpture from West Africa. From an artistic viewpoint, the Mama are producers of rather abstract statuary, as well as masks that are associated with the world of the ancestral spirits – spirits who exercise an important function of social control. One finds the image of the buffalo and the antelope throughout the whole valley of the Shemankar, among the Mama as among the Goemai and the Jucun. These animals are closely related to the material prosperity provided by good harvests. The dance took place within the framework of the mangam cult. Outside the areas reserved for the cult, buffalo skulls, occasionally set in mud walls, prove that the animal, in the form of skulls or masks, played an important role in the Mama’a ancestor cult.

Buffalo spirit mask. The Mama live on the plateaus of northern Nigeria. Almost inaccessible, this extremely varied region from an ethnic and linguistic point of view, has in the past been the site of numerous migrations and invasions. The plateau region has a long artistic tradition behind it, for it is here that the Nok civilization blossomed – one that has given us the most ancient evidence of terracotta figurative sculpture from West Africa. From an artistic viewpoint, the Mama are producers of rather abstract masks that are associated with the world of the ancestral spirits – spirits who exercise an important function of social control. One finds the image of the buffalo and the antelope among the Mama. These animals are closely related to the material prosperity provided by good harvests. This mask represents the stylized image of a buffalo, whose horns form a circle. Inspired on the living model of a dwarf buffalo, it belongs to the exclusively male association which have inherited their power directly from the ancestors, and whose purpose is to maintain social order and agricultural productivity. An animal of the bush with a most dangerous reputation, the buffalo is often the image for potency and occult power. The dances where the buffalo intervenes are often related to human and agricultural fecundity.

Material: wood

Size: 14" x 12" x 3"

MAMBILA

Cameroon and Nigeria

The 25,000 Mambila, farmers and stockbreeders, occupy the region bordering Cameroon and Nigeria, to the north of Grassland. Land, every family’s property, is distributed by the group’s chief. The primary cereal crops include sorghum, rice, and millet. They also grow bananas, yams, maize, manioc, peppers, peanuts, sweet potatoes, and tobacco. They acquired the practice of milking cattle from the Fulani and also use manure from the cattle as fertilizer. Goats, chickens, dogs, and sheep are raised for meat. Some hunting and fishing is done, but neither contributes significantly to the daily economy. Labor is divided between men and women, and children begin to work at the age of twelve. A society of mutual assistance, the kurum, participates in clearing land, harvesting, and building houses and facilitates social contacts during celebrations and dances. The men are in charge of weaving cotton, metal- and woodworking, and braiding fiber. Merchants and blacksmiths are separated from the rest of the community. The trade is passed from father to son. They practice the ancestor cult and agrarian rites. The Mambila only worshipped family ancestors. According to their beliefs, at one’s death the ancestors take away the soul of the deceased during the night. The chiefs of the lineage were buried in granaries, for they are representative of prosperity and life, just as the grains of millet.

Mambila art centers upon an association called suaga. It is primarily concerned with justice and supernatural cleansing within the community. The Mambila produced a considerable number of figures that are characterized by a heart-shaped face; pigments are often applied later. Mambila figures embody ancestors who, according to their beliefs, are responsible for the clan's wealth. The figures appear with bent legs and typical enlarged head outlined in wooden pegs. Mambila also make highly stylized animal masks. Masks and statues were kept hidden from the eyes of women in a net hung on the inside of a hut that was on stilts; it was guarded by the head of the family. The front wall of the hut was decorated with two figures, male on the right and female on the left, crowned by a rainbow and framed by the sun and the moon. Dancers celebrating the beginning and end of the agricultural cycle are led by a tribesman wearing a cephalomorphic helmet mask. He is often followed by a retinue of assistants wearing secondary masks in the shape or stylized animal heads, usually dog’s or crow’s. In general, women are excluded from these masquerades, both as actors and as spectators. Women dressed in rags and vegetation present their own version of the masquerade at a different time and place.

Ancestor spirit figure (tadep). Some 25,000 Mambila, farmers and stockbreeders, occupy the region bordering Cameroon and Nigeria, to the north of Grassland. They are organized into villages without a centralized hierarchical structure. The Mambila believe that ancestor spirits must intercede to secure the well-being of the living, who do not address to supreme being directly. They practice the ancestor cult that gives rise to sculptures in wood and terracotta. The Mambila are famous for the originality of their sculpture. Their tadep figures are characterized by a heart-shaped face, enlarged head, outlined with wooden pegs. They are thought to embody ancestors who are responsible for the clan’s wealth. The tadep figures were used in healing rites and to deter thieves. Some sources also link them to the promotion of fertility.

Material: wood
Size: 15" x 8" x 4"

Suah helmet crest. Some 20 to 25,000 Mambila, agriculturists and stockbreeders, inhabit the region bordering Cameroon and Nigeria, to the north of Grassland. Organized into villages without a centralized hierarchical structure, the Mambila practice the ancestor cult. The chiefs of the lineage were buried in granaries, for they are representative of prosperity and life, just as the grains of millet. At regular intervals the Mambila practice agrarian rites with the intervention of masks from secret societies. The most important masks used at Mambila celebrations are these of this type. It represents either a cow called suah duah or a dog called suah buah. The masks have individual names. Such masks are worn twice a month at the waxing and the waning of the moon and for the promotion of the welfare of the community. They were also used at sowing and harvesting festivals.

Material: wood
Size: 23" x 8" x 8"

Ancestor spirit figure (tadep). Mambila ancestral spirits are believed to be instrumental forces in the welfare of the living. While generally idealized as benevolent and the source of moral authority, ancestors nevertheless may also have an ambivalent and fickle quality. Thus, they must be placated and their goodwill humored to provide the good things in life: fertility, health, prosperity. Ancestor figures are the concrete adobe for ancestral spirits, they are offered and treated with magical and medicinal substances to dispose them well toward their living descendants. The tadep figures are characterized by a heart-shaped face, enlarged head, outlined with wooden pegs.

Material: wood
Size: 14" x 4" x 3"

THIS ITEM IS SOLD

Material: wood
Size: 26" x 10" x 9"

Ancestor spirit figure (tadep). Some 25,000 Mambila occupy the region bordering Cameroon and Nigeria, to the north of Grassland. The Mambila believe that ancestor spirits must intercede to secure the well-being of the living, who do not address to supreme being directly. They practice the ancestor cult that gives rise to sculptures in wood and terracotta. The Mambila are famous for the originality of their sculpture. Their tadep figures are characterized by a heart-shaped face, enlarged head, outlined with wooden pegs. They are thought to embody ancestors who are responsible for the clan’s wealth. They are offered and treated with magical and medicinal substances to dispose them well toward their living descendants. The tadep figures were used in healing rites and to deter thieves. Some sources also link them to the promotion of fertility.

Material: wood
Size: 39" x 12" x 10"

Mambila (Mambilla)(?), Cameroon & Nigeria Ancestor guardian figure. Some 25,000 Mambila, farmers and stockbreeders, occupy the region bordering Cameroon and Nigeria, to the north of Grassland. They are organized into villages without a centralized hierarchical structure. The Mambila believe that ancestor spirits must intercede to secure the well-being of the living, who do not address to supreme being directly. They practice the ancestor cult that gives rise to sculptures in wood and terracotta. The Mambila are famous for the originality of their sculpture. Such figures served as guardian figures of the village ancestor house. Another source holds it is an image of a pygmy.

Material: wood.

Size: 29" x 14" x 13"

MANGBETU (GURUGURU, MOMBOUTTOUS, MONBUTTOO, NGBETU)

Democratic Republic of the Congo

In the middle of the 18th century the Mangbetu people left the Sudan, they re-located their kingdom in the north-eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Their social structure is not dissimilar to other Zairian forest-based tribes where the men hunt and fish, while the women are left to cultivate the fields. Yams, manioc and plantains are the primary crops, and some cattle farming is done. Unlike other Sudanic peoples, however, among the Mangbetu only the men are permitted to do the milking. Livestock is seen as a symbol of wealth and is often exchanged for bride prices. Ultimate authority over the 40,000 Mangbetu rests with a king whose sons govern the various provinces, which are divided into districts and villages.

Mangbetu art, famous for its realism, is a court art. Wooden figures are believed to be ancestral portraits. It was developed particularly in terms of everyday objects under the impetus of the clan chiefs who wanted to show off their power and wealth. Royal celebrations, which took place in large vaulted sheds, were opportunities for exhibiting objects of luxury and refinement: pipes, palm wine jars featuring sculpted figures and heads, tree-bark boxes with covers decorated with heads, harps and trumpets played by wandering musicians, ornamental horns in worked ivory. Decorated thrones and knives were also part of the royal regalia. The Mangbetu tradition of compressing an infant's head with raffia in order to obtain an elongated skull is apparent in the statues. The elongation is further enhanced by a high coiffure finishing in a cup-like finial.

Ansestral Figure
Material: wood
Size: 20" x 6" x 5"

MARKA (WARKA)

Mali, Burkina Faso

The Marka are a Mande subgroup. This ethnic group is independent from the Bambara but their styles show a strong Bambara influence. The Marka are famous for their masks and puppets. Similar to Bambara's ntomo society masks, Marka masks are generally carved with horns, comb or crest on top of the head, but unlike Bambara masks they are often covered with metal sheeting. The Marka dress their masks in gaily-colored costumes made of cloth; they always appear in pairs, to represent man's courting of woman. Masks with a comb, similar to the ntomo masks of the Bambara, are danced in the context of adolescent boys’ initiation rites.

SOLD

Male tji wara (antelope headdress)The 400,000 Marka are a Mande subgroup. This ethnic group is independent from the Bambara but their styles show a strong Bambara influence. They live in the region that extends from the north of the Bambara to the Senegalese border. The dry savanna permits no more than a subsistence economy, and the soil produces, with some difficulty, millet, rice, and beans. Among the best known of their associations is the tji wara. In the past the purpose of this association was to encourage cooperation among all members of the community to ensure a successful crop. In recent time, however, the concept of tji wara has become associated with the notion of good farmer, and the tji wara masqueraders are regarded as a farming beast. Always performing together in a male and female pair, the coupling of the antelope masqueraders speaks of fertility and agricultural abundance. According to one interpretation, the male antelope represents the sun and the female the earth

Material: wood, metal sheeting, animal hair, cotton tassels

Size: 65" x 18" x 4" SOLD

N’tomo ceremonial mask. The 400,000 Marka live principally from agriculture with some subsidiary cattle. The dry savanna permits no more than a subsistence economy, and the soil produces, with some difficulty, millet, rice, and beans. Although the Marka are independent from the Bambara their styles show a strong Bambara influence. The Marka are mostly famous for their masks and puppets. Their masks are often partly covered with metal sheeting. The Marka dress the masks in gaily-colored costumes made of cloth. The masks were used in two rituals, during the circumcision ceremony of adolescents, and when circumcised men advanced from one grade to another. Along the Niger River the Marka use the masks in ceremonies related to fishing and farming. The specific function of this mask during ceremonies is not clear.

Material: wood

Size: 19" x 7" x 7"

Ceremonial mask.

Marka masks are often partly covered with metal sheeting. The Marka dress the masks in gaily-colored costumes made of cloth. The masks were used in two rituals, during the circumcision ceremony of adolescents, and when circumcised men advanced from one grade to another. Along the Niger River the Marka use the masks in ceremonies related to fishing and farming. The specific function of this mask during ceremonies is not clear.

Material: wood, metal cotton tread tassles.

Size:12" x 5" x 3"

N’tomo ceremonial mask. Among the Marka who live across the Mali border in Burkina Faso these masks, without the candelabra of horns, are worn by the N’domo society members at the circumcision ceremony of adolescents and as men advance from one grade to another. Various grades of membership are based on age. The face, sheathed in metal, is long like the nose of the antelope, two horns rise from the hairline. Narrow vertical rods of metal hang across the eyes; they end in small tassels of red cotton threads.

Material: wood, bronze metal, red cotton thread tassles

Size: 30" x 10" x 7"

Ntomo Janus-type ceremonial mask. The 400,000 Marka live principally from agriculture with some subsidiary cattle. The Marka are famous for their masks and puppets. Similar to Bambara's Ntomo society masks, Marka masks are often carved with horns, comb or crest on top of the head. The image of antelope head is a very often used motif in the Marka masks, as according to their mythology, it taught men how to farm. The masks of this type were used in two rituals, during the circumcision ceremony of adolescents, and when circumcised men advanced from one grade to another. Along the Niger River the Marka use the masks in ceremonies related to fishing and farming. The Marka dress their masks in gaily-colored costumes made of cloth; they often appear in pair, to represent man’s courting of woman. This unusual Janus-type mask may be considered rare. cotton tassels has been used by the Marka.

Material: wood, beads, cowries, cotton tassels

Size: 17" x 13" x 6"

MASAI (MAASAI, MASSAI)

Kenya and Tanzania

The 350,000 Masai living mainly in Kenya and Tanzania are nomadic herdsmen. For them notions of wealth and prestige are intimately linked with the size of animal herds. Among the Masai, cattle are believed to be a gift from God. The Masai have a deep disregard for any agricultural activity, seeing the earth as dirty. Consequently, they do not bury their dead in the earth; they build their houses from cow dung, not clay from the earth like many African agrarian peoples. They are known for their courage and magnificent physiques; young Masai warriors, armed only with a shield and spear, are required to slay a lion. The Masai have long maintained an enmity for the Kukuyu and other Bantu tribes of the region. For the Masai notions of wealth and prestige are intimately linked with the size of animal herds. Cattle are believed to be a gift from God. The Masai have a deep disregard for any agricultural activity, seeing the earth as dirty. Consequently, they do not bury their dead in the earth; they build their houses from cow dung, not clay from the earth like many African agrarian peoples.

There are no specialized artists among the Masai. Individuals produce items of adornment and utilitarian objects according to need. There is a division of labor along gender line. Women are responsible for beadwork, making necklaces and earrings, decorating gourds, men create the elaborate coiffures worn by young warriors and carve their own personal objects, including headrests, walking canes, and leather shields decorated with polychrome decorations.

Spear. The Masai are a tall, well-built, slender nomadic people. They keep cattle, sheep and goats, donkeys and dogs, and the cattle cult is a feature of their culture. The system of initiation and age grades is the basic characteristic of Masai social life and has produced a most effective military organization. The boys enter an age-group at circumcision and from then on count among the twelve- to sixteen-year-old, who, with others, are bound to take part in fighting. After the feast that closes the circumcision rites the boys are given a spear, a shield and a sword and are sent into the bush where they practice hunting and learn the elements of a warrior’s life. After several years of training they become warriors responsible for protecting the large herds of cattle from thieves and wild beasts. They also form the combat force if there is a war.

Material: wood, metal (???)

Size:

Spear with a removable top. Origin unknown

Materials: wood, metal

Size: 34" x 2"

Fighter club. The Masai are nomadic. They are a tall, well-built, slender people. The heads of the women are shaved, as are the heads of married and of uninitiated men. The Masai keep cattle, sheep and goats, donkeys and dogs, and the cattle cult is a feature of their culture. The system of initiation and age grades is the basic feature of Masai social life and has produced a most effective military organization. The tribe is divided into young men or boys and groups of initiated men who pass through successive stages as warriors and elders, differentiated by duties, privileges and details of costume. The center of political gravity is with the warrior class and there are no chiefs. Their weapons are spears, clubs and a peculiar sword. This perfectly made and balanced club presents a very good example of the Masai weapon.
Material: wood
Length: 22" x 2" x 2"

Material: wood
Length:

8" x 6" x 4"

MENDE

Sierra Leone and Liberia

The 2,000,000 Mende comprise numerous kinds of social structure, such as firmly marked kin groups, political hierarchies and societies for diverse purposes: training boys and girls in appropriate behavior, protection against enemies or curing illnesses. The Mende are farmers who grow rice, yams, peanuts, and cocoa and who collect palm oil. They practice crop rotation to avoid exhausting the soil. Most bodily ills are believed to result from transgressions against the rules of conduct laid down by one sodality to another. The Mende are best known for smooth, black, helmet-shaped masks, named sowei, used by the sande society, in particular, during the initiating girls. The initiates learn wisdom, beauty, grace, and self-control, all of which they will need within the multigenerational, polygamous households of their future husbands. All Mende girls join the sande society at puberty. Representing female water spirits, the masks have an idealized female face whose aesthetic reflects religious and philosophical ideals. The design of the facial features conforms to strict conventions and has symbolic content. These masks are characterized by the shiny skin, the rings at the neck and the elaborate hair styling that suggest good health and a well-to-do social condition. The characteristic rings at the base of the masks can be explained as the concentric ripples created as the spirit emerges from the water. On the other hand, they are also believed to represent folds of fat, considered a sign of beauty, fertility, vitality, and health. The coiffures, on the other hand, display a great range of variations, which reflect changing fashions and thus may facilitate the dating and localization of the masks. These helmets were carved from the full trunk of a large tree. Sowei appears in public during the time when young girls are initiated into adulthood. It may also emerge at the crowning of or during the funeral ceremonies of a paramount chief. The masks are carved by men, but danced by women. This is unusual in Africa, since men usually wear masks that conceal the face. They were worn over the head with the rim resting on the shoulders. There are helmets with one, two, or four faces. Because the mask is "found" beside a stream deep in the forest, where the sande spirit is said to live, and is supposed not to be an artifact at all, the carver in this case is anonymous. The dancer takes care that her costume contain no opening other than a narrow slit for the eyes, not to come into contact with the spirit, which she imagines as possessing a fearful, all-consuming power.

Members of the corresponding male society, poro, also wear masks, although they are of differing form. The women's yasse, a divination and healing society, employs slender human figures called minsere. Large ugly gongoli masks are used entirely for entertainment. Fecundity fetishes are also known.

For generations, farmers in Sierra Leone and adjoining portions of Guinea and Liberia have unearthed small figures carved of soapstone and other types of rock. The imagery and the style of these sculptures are quite varied, especially among those found in the lands now inhabited by the Kissi and Kono people. In lands now owned by the Mende people, farmers place excavated stone figures or freestanding heads in their rice fields or palm groves. Regarded as the representatives of previous owners of the land, the objects are given offerings and asked to bring abundant harvests. The Mende call these stone images nomoli (plural: nomolosia) -- “found spirit.”

Material: wood

Size: 16" x 8" x 5"

Sowei (Bundu) helmet mask. The 2,000,000 Mende comprise numerous kinds of social structure, such as firmly marked kin groups, political hierarchies and societies for diverse purposes: training boys and girls in appropriate behavior, protection against enemies or curing illnesses. The Mende are farmers who grow rice, yams, peanuts, and cocoa and who collect palm oil. The Mende are best known for black, helmet-shaped masks, named sowei or bundu used by the sande society, in particular, during the initiating girls. The initiates learn wisdom, beauty, grace, and self-control, all of which they will need within the multigenerational, polygamous households of their future husbands. All Mende girls join the sande society at puberty. Representing female water spirits, the masks have an idealized female face whose aesthetic reflects religious and philosophical ideals. The design of the facial features conforms to strict conventions and has symbolic content. The neck rings which are a significant characteristic of all sovei masks must not be regarded as representing obesity but as placing a plastic emphasis on the fine lines of the neck which is highly esteemed and regarded as being beautiful. The masks are carved by men, but danced by women. This is unusual in Africa, since men usually wear masks that conceal the face. These masks were worn over the head.

Material: wood

Size: 22" x 14" x 15"

MITSOGHO TSOGO (APINDJI, ASHOGO, MITSOGHO, SHOGO)

Gabon

The Tsogo are a small population of central Gabon and live in a high valley of the Ngounie River, a mountainous and forest covered terrain. A region criss-crossed with rivers, and cut with many deep-sided valleys and difficulty accessible ridges, Tsogo country is also known for its humidity and its tenacious mists in the dry season. Counting some 13,000 to 15,000 individuals, the Tsogo live in autonomous village communities, and practice a rudimentary slash-and-burn agriculture which they supplement with hunting and fishing as well.

According to oral tradition, linguistic cross-referencing and noted cultural concordances, the Tsogo are said to have come long ago from the eastern regions of Gabon. The Tsogo are organized into six exogamous and matrilineal clans. Each individual is involved within a very complex socio-religious system comprised of a whole series of traditional initiatory societies. These societies, separate for males and females, concern themselves with the education of the young, as well as activities dealing with politics, social affairs, the law, religion, medicine and artistic pursuits. Each of these societies, more or less secret in character, controls a particular aspect of traditional knowledge, the transmission of which was, and remains, very confidential. The Tsogo’s seven initiatory societies develop their activities in ongoing interrelationship. The foremost among them is the bwete. The women participate in the rites of boo (charged with enforcing public order and respect for customs) and omboudi (a possession cult of divinatory nature).

Ceremonial mask. Counting some 13,000 to 15,000 individuals, the Tsogo live in autonomous village communities, and practice a rudimentary slash-and-burn agriculture which they supplement with hunting and fishing as well. The Tsogo are organized into six exogamous and matrilineal clans. Each individual is involved within a very complex socio-religious system comprised of a whole series of traditional initiatory societies. These societies, separate for males and females, concern themselves with the education of the young, as well as activities dealing with politics, social affairs, the law, religion, medicine and artistic pursuits. The Tsogo masks were covered in white pigments and were carved with an open mouth, a small triangular nose, and typical slanted eyes set under M-shaped brows. The masks are worn during funeral ceremonies.

Material: wood

Size: 13" x 10" x 10"

MONTOL

Nigeria

The Montol people live on the right bank of the Benue River and are known for their small figures with splayed legs and hands. Members of the Komtin male secret society employ these ancestor representations in divination and curative ceremonies.

Material: wood

Siza: 13" x 7" x 3"

MOSSI (MOLE, MOOSE, MOSI)

Burkina Faso

The first Mossi Empire was founded by invaders from northern Ghana. Today, the Mossi are the largest tribe living in Burkina Faso. They number 2,2 to 3,5 million and are the only ethnic group of Inland West Africa to have a centralized governing body, in addition to clans and professional corporations led by elders known as zaksoba. They are an ethnically diverse people divided into two social groups. Political power resides in nakomze, whose ancestors invaded the region in 15th century and subjected the various autochthonous groups living there. From these arose the tengabisi, a heterogeneous population whose kinship groups have provided the religious leaders of the Mossi to this day. On the north, one encounters a region of Sahelian desert steppes, then further south a zone of tree-field savannas, which gives way to forestland in the deep south. The greater part of the population lives off agriculture and cattle breeding. They grow millet, sorghum, maize, sesame, peanuts, and indigo. Cotton, introduced by the French during the occupation, is also cultivated over large stretches of land. Since the beginning of the century, the family has not been regarded as part of a community, since custom required that, immediately after circumcision, the eldest son leave to live independently from his father. Similarly, the young wife had no status whatsoever until the birth of her first child, which gave her the right to visit her parents. She did not raise her children, who were entrusted to older wives. On the other hand, at the death of a farther, the son would receive the wives and fields of his father.

The blacksmiths-sculptors formed a separate caste and lived in separate quarters; they married exclusively within the caste. They were feared by their neighbors and participated actively in rituals. They made jewelry, metal and wood sculpture, statues, and masks. Brass figures and wooden ancestor figures are controlled by the Mossi ruling elite. Maintaining good relations with the ancestors and a variety of supernatural forces is a major concern of Mossi ritual and motivates art production in the region. Figures are used by the ruling class to validate political power, and masks are used by the conquered peoples to honor the spirits of the wilderness and control the forces of nature. The aristocracy used statues, even though it had adopted Islam in the seventeenth century. For the most part female, linked to the power of the chiefs, these figures commemorated ancestors and were kept inside the hut of the oldest of the wives. They appeared only at the funeral of the sovereign and at the time of the annual sacrifice when the first fruit of the harvest would be offered.

Lineages and clans of the indigenous tengabisi inhabitants own the masks, and only the large group of farmers and the group of smiths employ a variety of masks. Mossi sculptors are mostly famous for their polychrome masks. The farmers, “children of the earth” and descendants of the autochthones, still use huge masks; formerly, these masks were regarded as the seat of the spirit, but they might also represent the totemic animal of the clan. Each family would refer to an appropriate myth explaining the mask’s origin: generally, it was most often a catastrophe that had brought a sacred animal, or even a god, to make a gift of a mask to an ancestor, the power of mask allowing the restoration of order within the clan; then, too, at the ancestor’s death the mask would become the material structure of his soul. These masks made their appearance several times during the course of the year: they would escort the dead, thus helping them to join the world beyond. They preside over the sacrifices offered at the beginning of the rainy season, which were to insure the community a good millet crop and harvest of wild fruits. They “supervised,” before the first harvest, the deference given to planted seeds corresponding to a period of famine. Between “appearances,” the masks remained on the family shrine, where they received prayers and sacrifices for those members of the family who were in need, and they aided communication with the ancestors. The mask types evince regional differences.

The blacksmiths also used to sculpt figures called biiga, often covered in leather and decorated with cowrie shells and beads. The function of these wooden “dolls” goes well beyond game-playing. As an educational toy, the biiga was dressed, washed, and carried on the back or placed on the ground under the mother’s eyes. The biiga has a complex symbolism that, at first glance, seems contradictory: for the little girl it is, at one and the same time, the power that will cause her to have a child and the baby she is learning to care for. The biiga passes from mother to daughter or from sister to sister. Biiga have cylindrical bases; arms and legs are missing, but the pendulous breasts, symbol of motherhood, are accentuated.

Headdress zazaigo mask . The Mossi numbering 3,000.000 is the largest tribe living in Burkina Faso. They are sedentary Sahel farmers living in mud huts with straw roofs, and have retained animist cult and rituals. They keep the most ancient cultural traditions. The Mossi make both political art and spiritual art. Figures are used by the ruling class to validate political power, and masks are used by the conquered peoples to control the forces of nature. This mask belongs to the group of masks characterized by a range of animal depictions including antelopes, ducks, roosters. The zazaigo masks represent totem animals, which confronted the group’s ancestors in the bush. These masks are used at funerals, but also for entertainment.

Material: wood

Size: 15" x 7" x 7"

Headdress antelope zazaigo mask . The 3 million Mossi exceed a third of the whole population of Burkina Faso. They are sedentary farmers living in mud huts with straw roofs, and have retained animist cult and rituals. They keep the most ancient cultural traditions. The Mossi make both political art and spiritual art. Figures are used by the ruling class to validate political power, and masks are used by the conquered peoples to control the forces of nature. This mask belongs to the group of masks characterized by a range of animal depictions including antelopes, ducks, roosters. The zazaigo masks represent totem animals, which confronted the group’s ancestors in the bush. These masks are used at funerals, but also for entertainment.

Material: wood

Size: 13" x 7" x 7"

Biiga fertility doll. The Mossi represent a third of the population of Burkina Faso, or the “land of upright and honest people.” The blacksmiths-sculptors formed a separate caste and lived in separate quarters; they married exclusively within the caste. The function of the biiga goes well beyond game-playing. As an educational toy, the biiga was dressed, washed, and carried on the back or placed on the ground under the mother’s eyes. The function of the biiga becomes more serious as a girl attains womanhood. It is hoped that the doll will encourage an early pregnancy and a vigorous baby. After a successful birth, the doll is kept for the female child. The biiga has a complex symbolism that, at first glance, seems contradictory; for the little girl it is, at one and the same time, the power that will cause her to have a child and the baby she is learning to care of. According to J. - B. Bacquart, such dolls were given to newly circumcised girls.

Material wood

Size: 19" x 4" x 2"

Karanga mask. The Mossi are farmers and herdsmen. They are unique in Burkina Faso for their centralized and hierarchical political system, in addition to clans and professional corporations led by elders. At the apex of the political system is the Moro Naba, or Emperor of the Mossi, whose palace is in Ouagadougou. The rulers use wooden figures to validate political power, while the commoners use masks to honor the spirits of the wilderness. The masks embody spirit powers, nature spirits of the sort found among many farming peoples. In some regions masks are housed within ancestral shrines during periods when they are not being danced, to be augmented by ancestral powers that control the earth and productivity, all in the well-being of the people and their natural environment. The karanga masks appear during funeral occasions to accompany the dead to their tombs, at agricultural rites, and other important community events. Their task is also to protect wild plants, whose use is collectively regulated.

Material: wood

Size:

Doll. The doll is a popular subject of carving among the Mossi of Burkina Faso. One of the doll’s functions is to train little girls for their future roles as mothers, another function is magic. The toys are fed, washed, and dressed in bits of cloth and carried about on small backs just like the babies that are bundled on the backs of their mothers. A downward extension from the forehead has been interpreted both as an elephant’s trunk and a phallus. Another interpretation is that this extension represents the hairdo typical of unmarried Mossi girls. The wooden dolls are made in the blacksmiths’ compound by smiths in their spare time.

Material: wood

Size: 12" x 3" x 2"

Karanga mask. The Mossi number about 3 million and are the largest ethnic group living in Burkina Faso. They are farmers and herdsmen. They are unique in Burkina Faso for their centralized and hierarchical political system, in addition to clans and professional corporations led by elders. At the apex of the political system is the Moro Naba, or Emperor of the Mossi, whose palace is in Ouagadougou. The rulers use wooden figures to validate political power, while the commoners use masks to honor the spirits of the wilderness. The Mossi are closely associated with totemic animals: the relationship that men and animals hold is of reciprocal dependence and the disgrace or prosperity of one group is reflected also on the other. The karanga masks representing spirits appear during funeral occasions to accompany the dead to their tombs or, placed on familial altars, they are an instrument of communication with the dead. Their task is also to protect wild plants, whose use is collectively regulated.

Material: wood

Size: 45" x 7" x 5"

Mossi sculptors are mostly famous for their polychrome masks. Formerly, these masks were regarded as the seat of the spirit, but they might also represent the totemic animal of the clan. Each family would refer to an appropriate myth explaining the mask’s origin: generally, it was most often a catastrophe that had brought a sacred animal, or even a god, to make a gift of a mask to an ancestor, the power of mask allowing the restoration of order within the clan; then, too, at the ancestor’s death the mask would become the material structure of his soul. These masks made their appearance several times during the course of the year: they would escort the dead, thus helping them to join the world beyond. They preside over the sacrifices offered at the beginning of the rainy season, which were to insure the community a good millet crop and harvest of wild fruits. They “supervised,” before the first harvest, the deference given to planted seeds corresponding to a period of famine. Between “appearances,” the masks remained on the family shrine, where they received prayers and sacrifices for those members of the family who were in need, and they aided communication with the ancestors. The mask types evince regional differences.

Material: Wood

Size: 50" x 9" x 6"

MUMUYE (MUMOYE)

Nigeria and Cameroon

The Mumuye mostly live in northeastern Nigeria between the cities of Jalingo and Zinna, in a region that is bounded by the bend of the Benue River and the Cameroon border. Estimated to number 70,000 to 400,000 they cultivate sorghum, millet, and yams. Socially they are divided into small family groups called dola, which are headed by a council of elders with an elected leader. Due to the difficulty of access to their land of rocky hills and savannas, the Mumuye remained in near total isolation until 1959. Mumuye artists are famous for their wooden statues known as iagalagana. The Mumuye statuary was discovered in 1968. With no royal system, the Mumuye are organized by age classes and choose a village chief who is assisted by a council of elders. The vabong secret society regulates Mumuye religious life. Entry into the society is achieved through initiation ceremonies. The initiation of boys begins at the age of ten and takes place in a tsafi hut, where the statues are kept. Even though the Mumuye show great respect for the sculls of the ancestors, their statuary does not depict ancestors, but rather incarnates tutelary spirits. Yet, statues reinforce the status and prestige of their owner who, as he holds them in his hands, has a dialogue with them and thus ensures his personal protection. The functions of sculptural figures are varied. They were used by both diviners and healers, whose professions included diagnosis and cure of ill health and other kinds of misfortunes. The figures were used to greet rainmaker's clients, guard the house, serve as owner's confidant and in trials when men in dispute swear on the statue, which they must kiss. Elders used them to reinforce their status in society. It was not unusual for a figure simultaneously to serve two or more functions. The size of statues varies from 20 centimeters to 1.6 meters. Mumuye figures are highly abstracted, perhaps in part because they invoke forms of human and supernatural authority. The statue may have added elements: beads, belts, bracelets, chains, leather laces, ropes or braided vegetable matter, brass wires, or cowrie shells. The statues’ principal characteristic, unique in African art, is the openwork between the body and the arms, which forms a scroll or a spiral around the slender, cylindrical bust. The legs are usually angular, and ribbon-like arms wrap around the torso with elbows clearly marked. The heads may display a coiffure in the form of a crest. Scarification on face and body is delineated and nasal septum may be perforated for the insertion of a short section of a stalk of Guinea corn. A number of such sculptures have large ears with pierced and distended earlobes for the insertion of plugs. The Mumuye distinguish the gender of the figures on the basis of the shape of the ears; only Mumuye women distend their earlobes. This may be the only clue to determining the gender of a figure.

There were animal vabo masks – buffalo, monkey, elephant, leopard, and so on and also female masks. The masks would dance at the time of sowing, harvesting, funerals, or other important events. Vabo masquerades punish antisocial behavior and chase away criminals, and individual names given to each male vabo mask underscore their aggressive qualities. They also intervene in initiation rites. Priests, whose duties were hereditary, kept the masks in the sanctuary.

Male and female statues incarnating the tutelary spirit. Estimated 70,000 to 400,000 Mumuye live in northeastern Nigeria, on the left bank of the Benue River. They cultivate sorghum, millet, and yams. Due to the difficulty of access to their lands of rocky hills and savannas, the Mumuye remained in near total isolation until the end of 1950^th. Few were known about them before the 1960s. Mumuye artists are famous for their unusual wooden statues discovered only in 1968. These figures always display elongated body features. Even though the Mumuye show great respect for the ancestors, their statuary does not depict ancestors but rather incarnates tutelary spirits. These statues were used by both diviners and healers, whose professions included diagnosis and cure of ill health and other kinds of misfortune. The figures were used to greet rainmaker’s clients, guard the house, and serve as the owner’s confidant. They are also used in trials when men in dispute swear on the statue, which they must kiss. Elders used them to reinforce their status in society. It was not unusual for a figure simultaneously to serve two or more functions. The Mumuye distinguish the gender of the figures on the basis of the shape of the ears; only Mumuye women distend their earlobes. This may be the only clue to determining the gender of a figure.

Material: wood on metal stand

Size: 33" x 3" x 4" each figure

Human Figure
Material: wood

Size: 25" x 6" x 4"

NAMJI (DOYAYO, DO AYO, DOWAYO, NAMCHI, NAMSHI)

Cameroon

Namji are the people inhabiting an area in the west of the north Cameroon. The Namji ethnic group is famous for their wooden dolls carved with geometric features and adorned with multi-colored bead necklaces, cowrie shells, coins, metal strips, fiber and leather. The dolls held by young Namji girls to play and to ensure their fertility, are considered among the finest and the most beautiful dolls in Africa. They are carved from solid hardwood. The doll would have a name, be fed, be talked to and be carried strapped to the back everywhere the child would go. The most popular place to carry ones' doll is strapped to the back the way real infants are toted around. This was the young girls' first baby. This was her responsibility. This doll helped prepare the young Namji woman for her role as mother in her future life. Though most of them represent females, they sometimes appear as couples.

Doll. Namji are the people inhabiting an area in the west of the north Cameroon. They are famous for their wooden dolls carved with geometric features and adorned with multi-colored bead necklaces, sometimes with shells, coins, metal elements, and other materials. Generally, the dolls held by young Namji women to play and to ensure their fertility, are considered among the finest and the most beautiful dolls in Africa. The doll would have a name, be fed, be talked to and be carried strapped to the back everywhere the child would go. These dolls help prepare the young Namji women for their role as mothers in their future life.

Material: wood, beads, shells

Size:

Material: wood, beads, shells

Size: 14" x 5" x 2"

Material: wood, beads, shells

Size: 35" x 4" x 9"

NUPE

NGBAKA (BOUAKA, BWAKA, GBAKA, MBAKA, NBAKA, NGBWAKA)

Democratic Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic

The Ngbaka numbering 400,000 to 1,000,000 are situated mostly south of the Ubangi River, in northern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Their settlements were dispersed and lack of overall political organization; a hamlet would generally be made up of an extended family or patrilineal clan. They practiced slash-and-burn agriculture growing manioc, maize, sorghum and bananas and lived off fishing and hunting. They also raise chickens and goats for eggs and milk. The Ngbaka had a system of initiation named gaza or ganza: “that which gives strength.” Future initiates had to undergo trials of physical endurance and would attain a first level of knowledge by means of song and corporeal techniques, particularly choreographic turns. In the rites of passage, re-creations of ancestors played an important role. Circumcision and excision took place after several months spent outside the village.

Large slit drums are common, the end of which depict buffaloes and antelopes. Artistic products include figures, masks, pipes, necklaces, sticks, musical instruments, and zoomorphic statuettes used in the hunt. Grooves striate the nose, forehead and the temples. The Ngbaka men used this kind of scarification marks. Large figures and masks feature in the Ngbaka initiation ceremonies. Ngbaka masks, known as dagara, are worn during and after ceremonies associated with the gaza initiation and the circumcision of young men. They are oval and often have a concave face with an elongated triangular nose with scarification on the nose and forehead. Ngbaka figures are often found in pairs and can be as tall as 40”. They are believed to represent their two primordial ancestors and are placed on altars in houses where they fulfill a protective role. Small anthropomorphic or zoomorphic fetishes covered in red pigment are believed to bring good fortune.

Ngbaka dignitaries smoked anthropomorphic pipes, often covered with copper wire, and cephalomorphic harps were carved to accompany singers. The specific meaning and function of Ngbaka masks appears to vary depending on the group and its particular initiatory practice.

Initiation dagara mask. The Ngbaka live in the area between the Ubangi and the Middle Lualaba Rivers in northwest DRC. They practice primitive agriculture, hunting and fishing, activities always preceded by a sacrifice to the ancestors. The Ngbaka had a system of initiation named gaza or ganza: “that which gives strength.” Future initiates had to undergo trials of physical endurance and would attain a first level of knowledge by means of song and corporeal techniques, particularly choreographic turns. In the rites of passage, re-creations of ancestors played an important role. Circumcision and excision took place after several months spent outside the village. Ngbaka masks, known as dagara, are worn during and after ceremonies associated with the initiation and circumcision of young men.

Material: wood

Size: 2" x 9" x 5"

2" x 9" x 5"

Protecting Nabo statue. The Ngbaka, who live in the north of the DRC, once venerated a mythological hero called Seto and his sister-spouse, Nabo. Seto supposedly saved the first human beings from death and perpetuated the human species. Nabo was more directly concerned with childhood diseases, which she could heal by driving out the evel spirits causing the illness. To obtain her help, a healer was consulted. He executed or had a sculptor execute a statuette representing Nabo, applied a special powder to the part of the figurine corresponding to the area of the body that was diseased, then placed the figure at the foot of the ancestors’ altar, which also included the representation of Seto. These two statuettes preserved the family from a wide range of misfortunes, protected crops, brought about successful hunt and preserved stillbirths.

Material: wood

Size: 11" x 3" x 4"

NTOMBA (NGATA, LONTOMBA, NTOMBA-BOLIA)

Democratic Republic of the Congo

The 5,000 Ntomba live on the banks of the Lualaba River. Historically, the Ntomba had an appointed leader, but today they live in autonomous farming communities. Ntomba artists carved large anthropomorphic coffins, called Bondange, covered with painted decoration. They were commissioned by important dignitaries and contained the exhumed bones of the deceased. Later, the sarcophagus and the bones were consigned to the river. Ngata blacksmiths cast iron knives, which are used for executions. They produce also figures, although their function is unknown.

Ceremonial figure-vessel. The 5,000 Ntomba live on the banks of the Lualaba River. They practice slash-and-burn agriculture and live off hunting and fishing, activities always preceded by a sacrifice to the ancestors. Historically, the Ntomba had an appointed leader, but today they live in autonomous farming communities. Owing to their close contact with neighboring tribes, their culture and their stylistic output overlap. The Ntomba artists are mostly known as creators of large anthropomorphic sarcophagi. The functions of these figure-vessels are unknown.

Material: wood

Size:25" x 8" x 8"

Material: wood

Size:25" x 8" x 8"

NUNUMA NUNA (NOUROUMA, NUNI, NURUMA)

Burkina Faso

The Nuna are one of several people called “Gurunsi”; the others are the Winiama, the Lela, the Sisala, and others who live in Burkina Faso and Ghana. The Nuna are estimated at 100,000 people. They live in village communities in which a large number of dwellings are clustered close together, with the village surrounded by farm fields. The Nuna have no system of chiefs or other political leaders, although the French attempted to create such centralized power during the colonial period. Each community is instead organized by a council of the eldest representatives of each family who meet when need arises to make decisions on behalf of the community. The Nuna believe in a creator god named Yi. The Nuna communities are formed around the worship of natural spirits, which in turn establish religious laws that control the moral and ethical conduct of life in the communities. The masks represent the spirits of the wilderness. The Nuna make masks in the shape of poles colored red, black, and white, or in the form of animals who often differ only in the shape of their horns and ears: buffalo, crocodiles, antelopes, warthogs, hyenas, and serpents. The eyes protrude, surrounded by concentric circles, with a rather short snout on the animal masks, and a large and protuberant mouth on the more abstract masks. Decorated with geometric motifs, the masks are repainted every year; they are found throughout the region. The wearer of the mask may be invisible underneath the fiber skirt and must behave as the animal does, imitating its gait. When rituals are properly executed, the community receives fertility and prosperity. The property of an individual, a mask will, upon the owner’s death, be given to his son or kept in the hut of the ancestors of the lineage. The mask’s role is important during ceremonies at the end of initiation, at the funeral of notables, and as entertainment on certain market days.

There are also large figures used by diviners to represent a spirit from the wilderness with which the diviner could communicate and whose supernatural power he could control for the benefit of his clients. These figures are kept together with non-figurative objects, including jars, bottles and stones in dark corners of the diviner’s home where they become covered with a thick crust of offering material, especially millet porridge, beer and chicken blood. The figures serve the same function as the spectacular masks from the same people; they make the invisible nature spirits concrete and permit the congregation to offer their prayers and offerings.

Antelope Mask. The Nuna are one of several people called “Gurunsi”. The Nuna, estimated at 100,000 people, believe in a creator god named Yi. The Nuna communities are formed around the worship of natural spirits. Nuna are primarily sedentary farmers, growing millet, sorghum, and yams. Maize, rice, peanuts, and beans are grown in addition to these staples. Farmers throughout the region practice slash and burn farming. The Nuna masks represent the spirits of the wilderness. The Nuna make masks in the shape of poles colored red, black, and white, or in the form of animals: buffalo, crocodiles, antelopes, warthogs, hyenas, and serpents. The eyes protrude, surrounded by concentric circles. Decorated with geometric motifs, the masks are repainted every year. The wearer of the mask may be invisible underneath the fiber skirt and must behave as the animal does, imitating its gait. When rituals are properly executed, the community receives fertility and prosperity. The mask’s role is important during ceremonies at the end of initiation, at the funeral of notables, and as entertainment on certain market days.

Material: wood

Size: 22" x 9" x 3"

NYAMWEZI

(BANYAMWEZI, NYAMEZI, NYAMWESI, WANJAMWEZI, WANYAMWEZI)

Tanzania

The 500,000 Nyamwezi people, whose name means either "Men of the West" or "Men of the Moon", are the largest ethnic agrarian group in north-central Tanzania. Socially, they are organized into villages, which correspond to small chiefdoms, and each chief is responsible for the material wealth of the village, while the spiritual welfare is governed by the village sorcerer. Ancestors and chiefs have been of considerable importance in the belief system and socio-political structure of the Nyamwezi, and consequently most of their art relates to these themes: theirs is one of the richest art traditions in Tanzania. The Nyamwezi produced chief’s thrones with a human figure carved in relief on the high back. Nyamwezi carvers are also famous for their figures that are usually carved out of a dark, heavy wood with a shiny surface. They tend to have strongly elongated features, and the eyes inset with circular colored bids. Such elongated figures with distorted limbs were used in water divination ceremonies. Since the 1950s the slim figures were displayed by Nyamwezi dance troupes to enhance the visual impact of their performances.

Dance Puppet. The people known as Nyamwezi are a large, loosely connected agrarian group. It was on the coast that they were given the name ‘Nyamwezi’, meaning ‘people of the west’ (sometimes translated as ‘people of the moon’). Because of the extensive size and ethnic diversity of Nyamwezi the art from this area shows considerable variation in style. Ancestors and chiefs have been of considerable importance in the belief system and socio-political structure of the Nyamwezi, and consequently most of their art relates to these themes: theirs is one of the richest traditions in Tanzania. This figure is a dance puppet used in performances during various festivals.

Material: wood, beads, leather, bark
Size: 31" x 5" x 3"

Ceremonial figure. The 500,000 Nyamwezi people, whose name means ‘Men of the West’ or ‘Men of the Moon’, are the largest ethnic group in central Tanzania. Socially, they are organized into villages, which correspond to small chiefdoms and each chief is responsible for the material wealth of the village, while the spiritual welfare is governed by the village sorcerer. The cult of ancestors, which protects each family, and also the chiefs have been of considerable importance in the belief system and socio-political structure of the Nyamwezi, and consequently most of their art relates to these themes. Nyamwezi carvers are famous for their figures, which are usually carved out from a heavy wood with a shiny surface. They tend to have elongated features with the eyes inset with circular white beads. Such elongated figures with distorted limbs were used in water divination ceremonies. These slender elegant male and female figures are appreciated not only by collectors but also by interior designers. These features are reminiscent of the Swiss artist Alberto Giacometti.

Material: wood

Size: 56" x 3" x 1"

Material: wood

Size: 59" x 3" x 1"

Material: wood

Size: 59" x 3" x 1"

Material: wood

Size: 60" x 3" x 1"

Nyamwezi (Banayamwezi, Nayamwesi, Wanjamwezi, Wanyamwezi), TanzaniaDance Puppet. The people known as Nyamwezi are a large, loosely connected agrarian group. It was on the coast that they were given the name ‘Nyamwezi’, meaning ‘people of the west’ (sometimes translated as ‘people of the moon’). Because of the extensive size and ethnic diversity of Nyamwezi the art from this area shows considerable variation in style. Ancestors and chiefs have been of considerable importance in the belief system and socio-political structure of the Nyamwezi, and consequently most of their art relates to these themes: theirs is one of the richest traditions in Tanzania. This figure is a dance puppet used in performances during various festivals.

Material: wood
Size: 39" x 8" x 5"

Nyamwezi (Banayamwezi, Nayamwesi, Wanjamwezi, Wanyamwezi), Tanzania

Maternity figure. The people known as Nyamwezi are a large, a loosely connected agrarian group with shared cultural traits but diverse origins who live in north-central Tanzania. Their name means ‘Men of the West’ or ‘Men of the Moon’; numbering 500,000 they are one the largest ethnic groups in Tanzania. Socially, they are organized into villages, which correspond to small semi-autonomous chiefdoms and each chief is responsible for the material wealth of the village. The cult of ancestors, which protects each family, and also the chiefs have been of considerable importance in the belief system and socio-political structure of the Nyamwezi, and consequently most of their art relates to these themes. Like virtually all freestanding female sculptures of the Nyamwezi, with or without a child, this piece represents an ancestor.

Material: wood

Size: 27" x 7" x 8"

Nyamwezi (Banayamwezi, Nayamwesi, Wanjamwezi, Wanyamwezi), TanzaniaDance Puppet. The people known as Nyamwezi are a large, loosely connected agrarian group. It was on the coast that they were given the name ‘Nyamwezi’, meaning ‘people of the west’ (sometimes translated as ‘people of the moon’). Because of the extensive size and ethnic diversity of Nyamwezi the art from this area shows considerable variation in style. Ancestors and chiefs have been of considerable importance in the belief system and socio-political structure of the Nyamwezi, and consequently most of their art relates to these themes: theirs is one of the richest traditions in Tanzania. These figures are a pair of dance puppets used in performances during various festivals.

Material: wood
Size:

OGONI

23" x 9" x 9"

PENDE (BAPENDE, PHENDE, PINDI, PINJI)

Democratic Republic of the Congo

The 250,000 to 500,000 Pende people settled in the region near the Loango and Kasai Rivers. They are governed by a central authority, but pay allegiance to family chiefs, known as Djigo. The tribe members are divided into numerous territorial groups, the two most important being in Kwilu and Kasai.

The Pende political system is mainly controlled by lineage and marriage. There is no recognized central political power, and the chiefs that do exist do not exercise significant authority. The extended family seems to serve the needs of social control within individual communities. The Pende are a matrilineal people, and the eldest maternal uncle in a family is usually recognized as heading the lineage, a position that entails ensuring the well-being of the family and taking care of the ancestors.

The Pende are mainly farmers who produce millet, maize, plantain, and peanuts. The women do the majority of the farm work and are wholly responsible for selling goods in the community markets. The men help with the clearing of the fields and also contribute to the diet with occasional hunting and fishing in the numerous local rivers.

The ancestors (mvumbi) are placated through various rituals and offerings. The family head is responsible for taking care of the shrines and appeasing the spirits. The Pende recognize that spirits may be either good or bad, depending on the manner in which they died. Also, when ancestors are neglected they will cause bad things to happen to the family. The result may be sickness or hardship, both of which require a visit to the local diviner to determine the best way to appease the spirits.

Blacksmiths enjoyed enormous prestige, vestiges of which are still alive today. Blacksmiths and chiefs are considered of equivalent social status. When one or the other visits a village, his arrival must be honored by a day of rest for the entire population. Even though the society is matrilinear, the sculptor’s profession is transmitted from father to son. The ancestors are honored most especially during the masked celebration held in sanctuaries in the chiefs’ huts or on the edge of the forest. A statue of the chief’s wife sometimes stands atop the roof; it symbolizes fertility and emphasizes the importance of women.

Pende masks are among the most dramatic works of all African art. All told, about twenty characters and seven “masks of power” appear in ceremonies such as millet-planting celebration or circumcision and initiation ritual, and the ritual of enthronement of a chief. There are two styles: the western one of the Kwilu with its mbuya mask characterized by a somber, gloomy expression, and the Kasai style that is more geometric and colorful. The Kwilu Pende are especially well known for their masks that were originally used for circumcision ceremonies but later became accessories for a type of popular theater. Neck pendants carved by the Kwilu Pende as tiny replicas of masks must be placed among the most exquisite examples of African micro-sculpture. Generally made of ivory, but sometimes of wood, bone, metal, these pendants serve as protective amulets. Kasai masks are decorated with red and black triangles on a sienna background. The minganji, or masks of power, represent the ancestors; the mbuya, or village masks, represent human types, such as the chief, the diviner, the epileptic with a twisted mouth, the madman or man in a trance, the widow, the lover, or the executioner.

Among the major works of eastern (Kasai) Pende are fairly large sculptures intended either to glorify the chief's house or to serve as protective doorposts. The Pende also make ritual or practical objects, such as chairs, stools, commanders' stuffs, flutes, horns, whistles, drums, weapon, adzes, cups, mortars, and divination instruments.

Mbuya Mask. The mbuya, or village masks, represent human types, such as the chief, the diviner, the madman or man in a trance, the widow, the lover, or the executioner. All told, about twenty characters and seven “masks of power” appear in ceremonies such as millet-planting celebration or circumcision and initiation ritual, and the ritual of enthronement of a chief.

Although they represent roles in the secular society rather than spirits, they are used also to control supernatural forces. Worn by the celebrants at coming out parties of newly initiated young men who have just been circumcised, these masks represent revered mythological beings and ancestors such as chiefs and their wives, hunters, prophets and sages.

Material: wood
Size: 12" x 7" x 5"

Circumcision Mask. The Pende people form about sixty little territorial groups, the two most important being Kwilu and Kasai. Every group comprises several clans and each is headed by a chief whose main function is religious. He is a mediator with the ancestors who are the sources of health, fecundity and fertility of the people. The Pende are mainly farmers who produce millet, maize, plantain, and peanuts. The women do the majority of the farm work and are wholly responsible for selling goods in the community markets. The men help with the clearing of the fields and also contribute to the diet with occasional hunting and fishing in the numerous local rivers. The sculptor’s profession is transmitted from father to son. The presented mask is the most common type of circumcision mask: triangular human head surmounted by two appendages of knife-like type. The whole mask is pigmented red with white and black stripes that emphasize the carved planes of the mask.

Material: wood, fiber
Size: 19" x 8" x 3" + raffia

Mbuya Mask. The 500,000 Pende people are mainly farmers who produce millet, maize, plantain, and peanuts. The women do the majority of the farm work and are wholly responsible for selling goods in the community markets. The men help with the clearing of the fields and also contribute to the diet with occasional hunting and fishing in the numerous local rivers. The sculptor’s profession is transmitted from father to son. In dances of the Western Pende, a group of masks called mbuya are characterized by delicate features and fiber headdresses. Mbuya, or sculptured wooden masks in the form of human or animal faces, were worn with prescribed costumes by graduates of the Mukanda initiation school in their coming-out rites. These masks represented a great variety of village characters, including a clown, or “chief of the dance floor,” and those whose behavior was admired or disapproved. Although the performance was entertaining, it taught moral lessons and reinforced Pende religious and political principals.
Material: wood, fiber, tissue

Size: 14" x 8" x 5"

Pumbu Mask. The 500,000 Pende people form about sixty little kingdoms, each comprising several clans and each headed by a chief whose main function is religious. He is a mediator with the ancestors who are the sources of health, fecundity and fertility of the people. The Pende are mostly farmers. The sculptor’s profession is transmitted from father to son. This mask named pumbu a mfunu is attributed to the Kasai (eastern) subgroup of the Pende people. The mask is considered the most fearful and dangerous. It is used by only a few of the most powerful chiefs. The mask is formed as a halved cylinder. Two very large eyes project as tubes from the upper part of the face. The pumbu serves as a symbol of the power of the chief. Unlike most masks, it dances rarely – only in the event of special occasions determined by divination, such as a chief’s serious illness, or a regional epidemic or famine, indicating that ancestors may be unhappy. The pumbu represents the executive branch of the chief’s office, which must sometimes deal with war and execution.

Material: wood

Size: 45" x 20" x 10"(with rafia)

Drum or a Slit Gong in a form of a buffalo. A slit gong is wooden drum without a drumhead. Chiefs in areas of north central Congo took pride in ownership of such gongs. They are played with a long wooden stick

Material: Wood

29" x 11" x 11"

Panya ngombe mask. This mask, known as panya ngombe represents a buffalo, symbol of authority and dignity. Characteristic of this type are a horizontally oriented form, protruding ears, and an ornament consisting of a motif of relief triangles. These masks formerly belonged to the insignia of important chiefs (mbuya jia ufumu). Clad in a royal garment and holding a machete, the masked dancers appeared only during the mukanda initiation of adolescent boys after their circumcision, to gather donations to cover the cost of the celebration that took place after the initiation period. After circumcision in the context of initiation was abandoned back in 1930s, similar masks are today still incorporated in the lintel of the door to the royal treasure house where royal masks and other regalia are kept.
Material: wood
Size: 14" x 17" x 3"

Material: wood

Size: 9" x 15" x 2"

Reserved by Client (NV)
Material: wood

Size: 30" x 9" x 5"

Material: wicker, wood

Size: 14" x 14" x 3"

Mbuya Mask - Mbuya, or sculptured wooden masks in the form of human or animal faces, were worn with prescribed costumes by graduates of the Mukanda initiation school in their coming-out rites. These masks represented a great variety of village characters, including a clown, or “chief of the dance floor,” and those whose behavior was admired or disapproved. Although the performance was entertaining, it taught moral lessons and reinforced Pende religious and political principals.

This mask has unusually "naturalistic" eyes, reflecting artists' individual approach.

Material: wood, fiber, tissue
Size: 7" x 9" x 5" + raffia

PUNU

Gabon

The Punu reside on the left bank of the Upper Ngoume River (Gabon) and belong to the group of tribes known as Shira which were originally part of the Luango kingdom of Angola. With the Eshira, the Lumbo, the Vili, the Galoa, and the Vungu people, the Punu migrated northwards during the 18th century and settled in the area where they continue to inhabit to this day. They live in independent villages divided into clans and families, and social cohesion is ensured by a society known as moukouji. Its primary role is to regulate community life with regards to social and judicial matters, and mainly it applies itself to the neutralization of evil forces. To this end, officiates of moukoudji utilize a cult kit that includes statuettes, human relics and masks.

Punu masks represent idealized female ancestors' faces. The white color of the mask is genderless; white is a symbol for peace, deities, spirits of the dead, and the afterlife. It is thus the predominating color in funeral celebrations and memorials. Therefore the masks were worn during funerals. They appeared also in the magical rites whose function was to unmask sorcerers. The masks have realistic, mostly white but sometimes black faces with protruding pursed lips, globular protruding eyes incised with a curve, high-domed foreheads, and characteristic rigid high coiffures reflecting the Punu women's hair styles. The masks often have an Oriental expression, but no such influence has been established. Many Punu masks can be recognized by raised diamond-shape scarification marks on the foreheads and temples. The scarification marks on the temples are thought to be associated either with a female ancestor, or with a southern sub-group of the Punu tribe. Black face-masks have exactly the same stylistic characteristics as the white masks, but they are believed to have a judiciary function and help identify sorcerers. The performances of the masks are nowadays intended primarily to entertain audiences on festive occasions. Only rarely do the masqueraders fulfill a ritual function of officiating at funerals, when they dance as embodiments of the ancestor spirits. In performances the dancers, wearing costumes of raffia or cotton fabric and animal pelts, move with amazing acrobatic agility on stilts up to six and a half feet in height.

The Punu also carve standing reliquary figures, which watch over the bones of the deceased. Punu artists carved also amulets and everyday objects showing faces similar to those found on masks. It is thought they were used as prestige objects, during magical ceremonies, or were kept alongside the ancestral bones in a reliquary box.

Okuyi ceremonial mask. Punu masks represent idealized female ancestors' faces. The masks have realistic faces, and the hairstyle resembles the hair arrangement of the women of the region. The coiffure and the diamond shaped marks on the forehead and the scarifications on the temples indicate that the spirits are still members of their ethnic group even after death. The white color of the mask is a symbol for peace, deities, spirits of the dead, and the afterlife. The performances of these masks are nowadays intended primarily to entertain audiences on festive occasions. Only rarely do the masqueraders fulfill a ritual function of officiating at funerals, when they dance as embodiments of the spirits of ancestors. The dancers, wearing costumes of raffia or cotton fabric and animal pelts, move with amazing agility. The realistic effect is rapidly dispelled when the mask is worn by the stilt dancer lifted in the air to a height of fifteen feet. The eerie drama is intensified because the maskers often dance at the time of full moon.

Material: wood

Size: 14" x 9" x 5"

time of full moon.

Material: wood

Size: 11" x 8" x 4"

Material: wood

Size: 12" x 9" x 7"

Material: wood

Size: 10" x 7" x 5"

Door. The 40,000 Punu reside on the left bank of the Upper Ngoume River (Gabon) and belong to the group of tribes known as Shira. They live in independent villages divided into clans and families, and social cohesion is ensured by a society known as moukouji. Its primary role is to regulate community life with regards to social and judicial matters, and mainly it applies itself to the neutralization of evil forces. This example of the ‘displayed female motif’ is decorated with an elaborate coiffure and body scarification. Costumed stilt dancers wore Punu masks with a similar face. This image represents the spirit of beautiful young woman who returned from dead to participate in village life. The whitened figure (white color has been apparently mostly erased) makes reference not only to the dead, but also to anti-witchcraft techniques. Witches were believed to be most active and powerful at night, and whiteness refers to light and clarity, which stand in opposition to night and mystery. In Gabon and much of central Africa clairvoyants ring their eyes with white clay (kaolin) as a strategy for detecting witchcraft.

Material: wood

Size: 15" x 22" x 2"

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